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Q4427920 Português
Na perspectiva da Linguística Textual que concebe o texto como evento comunicativo e a coerência como construção resultante da interação entre texto, produtor e interlocutor, coesão e coerência são conceitos distintos, embora relacionados.

Considerando essa perspectiva, analise as afirmativas a seguir.

I. A presença de mecanismos coesivos contribui para a organização das relações entre os elementos do texto e constitui requisito indispensável para a construção da coerência, uma vez que, sem elos coesivos explícitos, o interlocutor fica impossibilitado de recuperar as relações de sentido pretendidas pelo produtor do texto.
II. Embora a coerência seja construída a partir do texto em determinada situação comunicativa, sua efetivação depende das operações interpretativas realizadas pelo interlocutor, as quais ocorrem de forma independente das escolhas linguísticas feitas pelo produtor do texto.
III. A coesão manifesta-se na superfície textual, por meio de mecanismos linguísticos (como conectivos, pronomes, substituições lexicais e elipses), ao passo que a coerência resulta de um processo interpretativo que extrapola os limites do material linguístico presente no texto.
IV. Por depender também de fatores cognitivos, pragmáticos e interacionais, e não apenas linguísticos, a coerência pode ser estabelecida pelo leitor mesmo diante de textos que não apresentem elos de coesão explicitamente marcados.

Assinale a alternativa que apresenta as proposições CORRETAS.
Alternativas
Q4427874 Pedagogia
After reading the article, students are asked to write a policy-oriented response for an informed public audience. The teacher wants the task to develop control of source use, argumentative organisation and authorial stance.

Analyze the statements below.

I. Students should distinguish between the author's documented evidence and his proposed causal explanations when incorporating information from the article.
II. Students may present the policy proposals as statistically demonstrated conclusions because they appear after numerical evidence in the text.
III. Students should signal whether they are summarising the source, evaluating its argument or introducing their own position.

It is CORRECT to state that:
Alternativas
Q4427873 Inglês
Teaching cultural dimensions of English requires avoiding both cultural invisibility and the treatment of communities as homogeneous groups with fixed characteristics.

Judge the statements below as True (T) or False (F).

(__) Comparing communicative practices across contexts while examining variation within the same community can support intercultural understanding without reducing individuals to national stereotypes.
(__) Presenting the practices of one dominant English-speaking group as the neutral cultural norm provides an appropriate reference from which other communities can be evaluated. 
(__) Examining whose voices and cultural practices receive greater visibility in teaching materials can form part of critical intercultural education.
(__) Cultural content should remain separate from language use because meanings conveyed in interaction can be interpreted independently of social and cultural contexts.

The CORRECT sequence, from top to bottom, is:
Alternativas
Q4427872 Pedagogia
A secondary-school English teacher defines the following learning objective: students should be able to negotiate a solution to a realistic problem by explaining proposals, responding to objections and reaching a justified decision. The teacher now needs to align classroom activities and assessment evidence with that objective.

Which planning decision is pedagogically coherent?
Alternativas
Q4427871 Inglês
A teacher is discussing how English can connect an unreal condition in the past with a hypothetical consequence in the present.

Select the sentence that presents a CORRECT mixed conditional and the intended temporal relationship.
Alternativas
Q4427870 Inglês
Listening comprehension may be affected by features of connected speech even when learners already know the individual words in written form.

Analyze the statements below.

I. Changes in sentence stress can alter which information is interpreted as prominent or contrastive without requiring a change in the lexical words themselves.
II. Reduced forms in connected speech make grammatical words more prominent than stressed lexical words, thereby facilitating their identification by beginning listeners.
III. Coarticulation and reduction may make word boundaries less acoustically transparent, creating difficulties in segmenting continuous speech into familiar lexical items.

It is CORRECT to state that:
Alternativas
Q4427869 Inglês
Articles, prepositions and conjunctions frequently encode distinctions that cannot be determined by translating isolated words.

Judge the statements below as True (T) or False (F).
(__) In "The children go to school every morning", zero article before school can indicate participation in its institutional function rather than reference to a particular building.
(__) In "The parents went to the school to meet the principal", the definite article is necessarily incorrect because institutional nouns cannot be preceded by the.
(__) The expression despite the delay is standard, whereas despite of the delay is not the usual standard construction. 
(__) In standard written English, although can introduce a concessive clause without requiring but to connect the following main clause.

The CORRECT sequence, from top to bottom, is:
Alternativas
Q4427868 Pedagogia
Two teachers independently assess the same set of students' oral performances using an analytic rubric. Their scores are similar for grammatical accuracy and vocabulary but consistently diverge on the criterion "interactional effectiveness". The school wants to improve score consistency without removing interaction from the construct being assessed.

Which procedure is appropriate?
Alternativas
Q4427867 Inglês
During a professional conversation, one colleague says:

"I was wondering if you could possibly send me the revised schedule by noon."

A learner interprets the sentence literally as a report about something the speaker was thinking about in the past.

Considering pragmatic meaning in everyday English, select the CORRECT interpretation.
Alternativas
Q4427866 Pedagogia
An English teacher wants students to improve argumentative writing through a collaborative digital platform. The tool permits shared drafting, comments, version history, audio feedback and accessibility settings. The teacher wants technology to support the learning objective rather than become an end in itself.

Which instructional design is correct?
Alternativas
Q4427865 Inglês
Formal English allows subject–auxiliary inversion after certain negative or restrictive expressions placed at the beginning of a clause.

Select the CORRECT sentence.
Alternativas
Q4427864 Pedagogia
Task-based and communicative approaches organise language learning around meaningful use, but this does not imply the exclusion of pedagogical attention to linguistic form.

Analyze the statements below.

I. In Task-Based Language Teaching, a task should primarily require learners to use language to achieve a communicative outcome rather than merely display a previously presented structure.
II. Attention to linguistic form may occur during or after communicative work when it responds to difficulties emerging from learners' attempts to express meaning.
III. Communicative Language Teaching requires teachers to avoid explicit grammatical explanation because any focus on formal accuracy contradicts communicative principles.

It is CORRECT to state that:
Alternativas
Q4427863 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
The article combines labour-market statistics, historical examples, explicitly qualified causal explanations, evaluative expressions and recommendations concerning public policy. Such features are relevant when the text is analysed as a genre rather than merely as a source of vocabulary.

Considering its communicative purpose and organisation, select the CORRECT characterization. 
Alternativas
Q4427862 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
Consider the following excerpts:

"not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt [...] has been forced upon us"

"those who do well for themselves"

"where businesses have a compliant and stable [...] workforce"

Select the CORRECT alternative.
Alternativas
Q4427861 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
When the article is read aloud in natural English, connected speech may make familiar written forms harder to recognise. A teacher therefore draws attention to pronunciation patterns without requiring phonetic transcription.

Judge the statements below as True (T) or False (F).

(__) In a phrase such as "would have seen", the auxiliary have may receive a reduced pronunciation when it is not emphasised.
(__) Function words such as and may be reduced in connected speech, so listeners should not expect every written word to receive equal prominence.
(__) Stressed lexical words are normally more heavily reduced than grammatical words because their meanings can be recovered from context.
(__) Awareness of sentence stress can help listeners distinguish prominent information from less prominent grammatical material.

The CORRECT sequence, from top to bottom, is:
Alternativas
Q4427860 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
Consider the following excerpt:

"People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance."

The sentence contains several structures that contribute to syntactic compression.

Select the CORRECT grammatical analysis.
Alternativas
Q4427859 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
A teacher uses the article as the basis for an advanced classroom discussion. The objective is to assess interactional competence rather than the ability to reproduce a previously prepared monologue.

Which classroom procedure is the most consistent with this objective?
Alternativas
Q4427858 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
A public-school English teacher intends to use the article with advanced learners. Rather than assessing only the retrieval of explicit information, the teacher wants students to distinguish between empirical evidence, causal hypotheses and evaluative positioning.

Which activity is consistent with that objective?
Alternativas
Q4427857 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
Several expressions in the article acquire meanings that depend on context rather than on the literal meanings of their individual words.

Judge the statements below as True (T) or False (F).

(__) In "ability to tide oneself over between jobs", tide oneself over means to manage temporarily through a difficult period by using available resources.
(__) In "hang on to workers", hang on to expresses the idea of retaining employees rather than physically holding them.
(__) In "runaway housing prices", runaway suggests that housing prices are falling rapidly after a prolonged period of stability.
(__) In "the risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment", weighed against means evaluated in comparison with another consideration.

The CORRECT sequence, from top to bottom, is:
Alternativas
Q4427856 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
The author uses modal and conditional structures to regulate the degree of certainty attached to different claims and policy possibilities.

Analyze the statements below.

I. In "One might have expected that increased female participation [...] would have seen more mobility", might have expected retrospectively presents an expectation without asserting that the expected result occurred.
II. In "if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers", the if-clause presents an open condition rather than a counterfactual past situation.
III. In "State governments could make it easier for people to move", could primarily expresses an unrealised ability possessed by governments at a specific moment in the past.

It is CORRECT to state that:
Alternativas
Respostas
6201: D
6202: E
6203: E
6204: C
6205: D
6206: E
6207: D
6208: B
6209: E
6210: E
6211: C
6212: C
6213: C
6214: A
6215: B
6216: D
6217: E
6218: E
6219: A
6220: E