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Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032749
Inglês
Texto associado
Read the following infographic.
Internet: <www.vricares.com> (adapted)
Based on the infographic presented, judge the follow item.
Section 3 is concerned with hygiene and cleanliness in people’s houses, which is why words such as “rugs”, “carpets” and “clutter” are mentioned.
Section 3 is concerned with hygiene and cleanliness in people’s houses, which is why words such as “rugs”, “carpets” and “clutter” are mentioned.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032748
Inglês
Texto associado
Read the following infographic.
Internet: <www.vricares.com> (adapted)
Based on the infographic presented, judge the follow item.
In the sentence at the top of the infographic, the word “relinquish” could be correctly replaced with give up, which is more informal.
In the sentence at the top of the infographic, the word “relinquish” could be correctly replaced with give up, which is more informal.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032747
Inglês
Texto associado
Read the following infographic.
Internet: <www.vricares.com> (adapted)
Based on the infographic presented, judge the follow item.
In the expression “As we age”, in the title of the infographic, “As” is used to present a reason or a justification.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032746
Inglês
Texto associado
Freedom is a general term, like liberty, independence,
autonomy, and equality. In reality, freedom cannot be absolute;
no one can be completely free. Your talents, family situation, job,
wealth, cultural norms, and laws against murder, for example,
constrain and circumscribe your choices. And then there is the
freedom of others, which necessarily limits yours.
Broadly speaking, your rights, whatever they may be,
define the limits to your freedom. In the Western tradition of
freedom, these are your civil and political rights, including your
freedom of speech, religion, and association. Some philosophers
see these not only as morally justified rights in themselves, but
also as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like
happiness.
The international justification for your freedom is by
reference to human rights, those due to you as a human being and
object of international conventions. The most basic of all these
rights are those defining what governments cannot do to you. In
effect, these human rights define what many mean by democratic
freedom. Your freedom of thought, expression, religion,
association, is basic, as are the secret ballot, periodic elections,
and the right to representation. In short, these rights say that you
have a right to be free. This is universal: we all have
internationally defined and protected human rights.
Rudolph Joseph Rummel. Why should you be
free?.Internet:<www.hawaii.edu> (adapted).
Judge the follow item concerning the ideas and linguistic features of the previous text.
The last paragraph points out that a geopolitically construed notion of freedom has become a universally accepted one through international law.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032745
Inglês
Texto associado
Freedom is a general term, like liberty, independence,
autonomy, and equality. In reality, freedom cannot be absolute;
no one can be completely free. Your talents, family situation, job,
wealth, cultural norms, and laws against murder, for example,
constrain and circumscribe your choices. And then there is the
freedom of others, which necessarily limits yours.
Broadly speaking, your rights, whatever they may be,
define the limits to your freedom. In the Western tradition of
freedom, these are your civil and political rights, including your
freedom of speech, religion, and association. Some philosophers
see these not only as morally justified rights in themselves, but
also as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like
happiness.
The international justification for your freedom is by
reference to human rights, those due to you as a human being and
object of international conventions. The most basic of all these
rights are those defining what governments cannot do to you. In
effect, these human rights define what many mean by democratic
freedom. Your freedom of thought, expression, religion,
association, is basic, as are the secret ballot, periodic elections,
and the right to representation. In short, these rights say that you
have a right to be free. This is universal: we all have
internationally defined and protected human rights.
Rudolph Joseph Rummel. Why should you be
free?.Internet:<www.hawaii.edu> (adapted).
Judge the follow item concerning the ideas and linguistic features of the previous text.
In the excerpt “as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like happiness” (in the last sentence of the second paragraph), the presence of “the” indicates that people’s happiness depends on them having their civil and political rights respected and guaranteed.
In the excerpt “as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like happiness” (in the last sentence of the second paragraph), the presence of “the” indicates that people’s happiness depends on them having their civil and political rights respected and guaranteed.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032741
Inglês
Texto associado
Freedom is a general term, like liberty, independence,
autonomy, and equality. In reality, freedom cannot be absolute;
no one can be completely free. Your talents, family situation, job,
wealth, cultural norms, and laws against murder, for example,
constrain and circumscribe your choices. And then there is the
freedom of others, which necessarily limits yours.
Broadly speaking, your rights, whatever they may be,
define the limits to your freedom. In the Western tradition of
freedom, these are your civil and political rights, including your
freedom of speech, religion, and association. Some philosophers
see these not only as morally justified rights in themselves, but
also as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like
happiness.
The international justification for your freedom is by
reference to human rights, those due to you as a human being and
object of international conventions. The most basic of all these
rights are those defining what governments cannot do to you. In
effect, these human rights define what many mean by democratic
freedom. Your freedom of thought, expression, religion,
association, is basic, as are the secret ballot, periodic elections,
and the right to representation. In short, these rights say that you
have a right to be free. This is universal: we all have
internationally defined and protected human rights.
Rudolph Joseph Rummel. Why should you be
free?.Internet:<www.hawaii.edu> (adapted).
Judge the follow item concerning the ideas and linguistic features of the previous text.
If the ideas defended in the text were applied to the global context of relations among countries, it would be correct to conclude that countries, in general, are never completely independent.
If the ideas defended in the text were applied to the global context of relations among countries, it would be correct to conclude that countries, in general, are never completely independent.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032740
Inglês
Texto associado
Freedom is a general term, like liberty, independence,
autonomy, and equality. In reality, freedom cannot be absolute;
no one can be completely free. Your talents, family situation, job,
wealth, cultural norms, and laws against murder, for example,
constrain and circumscribe your choices. And then there is the
freedom of others, which necessarily limits yours.
Broadly speaking, your rights, whatever they may be,
define the limits to your freedom. In the Western tradition of
freedom, these are your civil and political rights, including your
freedom of speech, religion, and association. Some philosophers
see these not only as morally justified rights in themselves, but
also as the means for fulfilling other possible rights, like
happiness.
The international justification for your freedom is by
reference to human rights, those due to you as a human being and
object of international conventions. The most basic of all these
rights are those defining what governments cannot do to you. In
effect, these human rights define what many mean by democratic
freedom. Your freedom of thought, expression, religion,
association, is basic, as are the secret ballot, periodic elections,
and the right to representation. In short, these rights say that you
have a right to be free. This is universal: we all have
internationally defined and protected human rights.
Rudolph Joseph Rummel. Why should you be
free?.Internet:<www.hawaii.edu> (adapted).
Judge the follow item concerning the ideas and linguistic features of the previous text.
For the author, given their universal and absolute character, human rights are one of the few exceptions to the limits imposed by the freedom of others.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032737
Inglês
Texto associado
The crisis in the Portuguese Empire was already underway
in 1807, with some underlying causes found further back in time.
It created the conditions for the political split between Brazil and
Portugal, a development that virtually nobody imagined at the
start of the 19th century. The process that started in 1807
prompted the separation and defined its most lasting results: the
emergence of a Brazilian state and nation that would consolidate
itself over the next century preserving its distinctive features. The
independence process was strongly marked by progressive
distancing between the past and the future. In this sense, the
self-proclaimed revolutionary nature of the independence process
fits neatly into the broader political and intellectual context of the
time, full of conceptual innovations.
The continuity of Brazilian independence is, however, still
the most common aspect highlighted by most historians and nonhistorians. It is true that the creation of the Empire of Brazil
neither abolished slavery, nor upended social hierarchies for the
vast majority of the population, nor modified the highly
concentrated nature of land distribution and its overwhelming
focus on sustaining an export economy built during centuries of
Portuguese colonization. Yet, given the innovations involved in
the creation of the Empire of Brazil and their significance in the
first decades of the 19th century, the understanding of this history
gains depth, complexity, and consistency if one replaces the
simple and banal idea of preservation of slavery, social
hierarchies, territoriality or monarchy with that of re-creation
and reorganization of these elements. If not seen in this light, the
history of Brazilian independence silences an array of diverse
voices and actors who had been growing increasingly
accustomed to participating in politics since the end of the
previous century.
João Paulo Pimenta. Independence: Change and
Continuity. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin
American History. Internet:<www.oxfordre.com> (adapted).
Based on the text presented, judge the follow item.
The passage “the broader political and intellectual context of the time, full of conceptual innovations” (in the last sentence of the first paragraph) could be correctly rewritten as a context of greater political and intellectual changes happening during an era when all innovations were of an abstract nature, without changing its meaning.
The passage “the broader political and intellectual context of the time, full of conceptual innovations” (in the last sentence of the first paragraph) could be correctly rewritten as a context of greater political and intellectual changes happening during an era when all innovations were of an abstract nature, without changing its meaning.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032736
Inglês
Texto associado
The crisis in the Portuguese Empire was already underway
in 1807, with some underlying causes found further back in time.
It created the conditions for the political split between Brazil and
Portugal, a development that virtually nobody imagined at the
start of the 19th century. The process that started in 1807
prompted the separation and defined its most lasting results: the
emergence of a Brazilian state and nation that would consolidate
itself over the next century preserving its distinctive features. The
independence process was strongly marked by progressive
distancing between the past and the future. In this sense, the
self-proclaimed revolutionary nature of the independence process
fits neatly into the broader political and intellectual context of the
time, full of conceptual innovations.
The continuity of Brazilian independence is, however, still
the most common aspect highlighted by most historians and nonhistorians. It is true that the creation of the Empire of Brazil
neither abolished slavery, nor upended social hierarchies for the
vast majority of the population, nor modified the highly
concentrated nature of land distribution and its overwhelming
focus on sustaining an export economy built during centuries of
Portuguese colonization. Yet, given the innovations involved in
the creation of the Empire of Brazil and their significance in the
first decades of the 19th century, the understanding of this history
gains depth, complexity, and consistency if one replaces the
simple and banal idea of preservation of slavery, social
hierarchies, territoriality or monarchy with that of re-creation
and reorganization of these elements. If not seen in this light, the
history of Brazilian independence silences an array of diverse
voices and actors who had been growing increasingly
accustomed to participating in politics since the end of the
previous century.
João Paulo Pimenta. Independence: Change and
Continuity. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin
American History. Internet:<www.oxfordre.com> (adapted).
Based on the text presented, judge the follow item.
The last sentence of the text would still be correct and maintain its original meaning if a comma were placed before “who”, and another after “politics”.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032734
Inglês
Texto associado
The crisis in the Portuguese Empire was already underway
in 1807, with some underlying causes found further back in time.
It created the conditions for the political split between Brazil and
Portugal, a development that virtually nobody imagined at the
start of the 19th century. The process that started in 1807
prompted the separation and defined its most lasting results: the
emergence of a Brazilian state and nation that would consolidate
itself over the next century preserving its distinctive features. The
independence process was strongly marked by progressive
distancing between the past and the future. In this sense, the
self-proclaimed revolutionary nature of the independence process
fits neatly into the broader political and intellectual context of the
time, full of conceptual innovations.
The continuity of Brazilian independence is, however, still
the most common aspect highlighted by most historians and nonhistorians. It is true that the creation of the Empire of Brazil
neither abolished slavery, nor upended social hierarchies for the
vast majority of the population, nor modified the highly
concentrated nature of land distribution and its overwhelming
focus on sustaining an export economy built during centuries of
Portuguese colonization. Yet, given the innovations involved in
the creation of the Empire of Brazil and their significance in the
first decades of the 19th century, the understanding of this history
gains depth, complexity, and consistency if one replaces the
simple and banal idea of preservation of slavery, social
hierarchies, territoriality or monarchy with that of re-creation
and reorganization of these elements. If not seen in this light, the
history of Brazilian independence silences an array of diverse
voices and actors who had been growing increasingly
accustomed to participating in politics since the end of the
previous century.
João Paulo Pimenta. Independence: Change and
Continuity. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin
American History. Internet:<www.oxfordre.com> (adapted).
Based on the text presented, judge the follow item.
Not only does the text oppose the ideas of continuity and innovation in the context of Brazilian independence, but it also indicates that historians do not have a unanimous view on the topic.
Not only does the text oppose the ideas of continuity and innovation in the context of Brazilian independence, but it also indicates that historians do not have a unanimous view on the topic.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032732
Inglês
Texto associado
The crisis in the Portuguese Empire was already underway
in 1807, with some underlying causes found further back in time.
It created the conditions for the political split between Brazil and
Portugal, a development that virtually nobody imagined at the
start of the 19th century. The process that started in 1807
prompted the separation and defined its most lasting results: the
emergence of a Brazilian state and nation that would consolidate
itself over the next century preserving its distinctive features. The
independence process was strongly marked by progressive
distancing between the past and the future. In this sense, the
self-proclaimed revolutionary nature of the independence process
fits neatly into the broader political and intellectual context of the
time, full of conceptual innovations.
The continuity of Brazilian independence is, however, still
the most common aspect highlighted by most historians and nonhistorians. It is true that the creation of the Empire of Brazil
neither abolished slavery, nor upended social hierarchies for the
vast majority of the population, nor modified the highly
concentrated nature of land distribution and its overwhelming
focus on sustaining an export economy built during centuries of
Portuguese colonization. Yet, given the innovations involved in
the creation of the Empire of Brazil and their significance in the
first decades of the 19th century, the understanding of this history
gains depth, complexity, and consistency if one replaces the
simple and banal idea of preservation of slavery, social
hierarchies, territoriality or monarchy with that of re-creation
and reorganization of these elements. If not seen in this light, the
history of Brazilian independence silences an array of diverse
voices and actors who had been growing increasingly
accustomed to participating in politics since the end of the
previous century.
João Paulo Pimenta. Independence: Change and
Continuity. In: Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Latin
American History. Internet:<www.oxfordre.com> (adapted).
Based on the text presented, judge the follow item.
The author claims that the Brazilian independence process stemmed partly from events prior to 1807, which were not mentioned in the text.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032729
Inglês
Texto associado
On May 13th, 1822, a group of 186 women sent Maria
Leopoldina the Letter from the Bahian Women to Her Royal
Highness Dona Leopoldina, congratulating her on her role in the
patriotic rulings of her husband, Prince Regent Dom Pedro. The
document acknowledged the contribution made by the then
princess and empress-to-be to ensuring her husband’s
permanence in Brazil, which they believed was a key factor in
gaining independence from Portugal. “Far more than just a letter,
it is a political manifesto,” notes historian Maria de Lourdes
Viana Lyra. “At that time, in Brazil, women were given a
subordinate role restricted to private household and family
affairs. Outside the domestic sphere, women were made invisible,
but that did not stop them from mobilizing politically to fight for
independence in a variety of ways,” she states.
In addition to isolated actions led by famous figures, there
were other many significant actions that are still largely unknown
to the general public, more specifically, those related to instances
of collective mobilization of women active in the public arena
during the fight for Brazilian independence. Historian Andréa
Slemian expands on the matter. “Throughout this process, many
women expressed themselves through letters, manifestos, and
other texts. Thus, the nascent press in Brazil played an important
role, not only by publishing these women’s ideas regarding
independence on editorial pages, for example, but also by serving
as a mouthpiece for views supporting women’s rights,” notes
Slemian.
Ana Paula Orlandi. Unafraid to fight.
Internet: :<www.revistapesquisa.fapesp.br> (adapted).
Considering the ideas and linguistic aspects of the text above, judge the follow item.
The statement that, in general, women were to be concerned solely with their homes and families is explained by the gender-based division of social tasks and roles in effect at that time in Brazil.
The statement that, in general, women were to be concerned solely with their homes and families is explained by the gender-based division of social tasks and roles in effect at that time in Brazil.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032728
Inglês
Texto associado
On May 13th, 1822, a group of 186 women sent Maria
Leopoldina the Letter from the Bahian Women to Her Royal
Highness Dona Leopoldina, congratulating her on her role in the
patriotic rulings of her husband, Prince Regent Dom Pedro. The
document acknowledged the contribution made by the then
princess and empress-to-be to ensuring her husband’s
permanence in Brazil, which they believed was a key factor in
gaining independence from Portugal. “Far more than just a letter,
it is a political manifesto,” notes historian Maria de Lourdes
Viana Lyra. “At that time, in Brazil, women were given a
subordinate role restricted to private household and family
affairs. Outside the domestic sphere, women were made invisible,
but that did not stop them from mobilizing politically to fight for
independence in a variety of ways,” she states.
In addition to isolated actions led by famous figures, there
were other many significant actions that are still largely unknown
to the general public, more specifically, those related to instances
of collective mobilization of women active in the public arena
during the fight for Brazilian independence. Historian Andréa
Slemian expands on the matter. “Throughout this process, many
women expressed themselves through letters, manifestos, and
other texts. Thus, the nascent press in Brazil played an important
role, not only by publishing these women’s ideas regarding
independence on editorial pages, for example, but also by serving
as a mouthpiece for views supporting women’s rights,” notes
Slemian.
Ana Paula Orlandi. Unafraid to fight.
Internet: :<www.revistapesquisa.fapesp.br> (adapted).
Considering the ideas and linguistic aspects of the text above, judge the follow item.
The passage “which they believed was a key factor” (first paragraph) could be correctly rewritten in the passive voice as which was believed to be a key factor, without this changing the meaning and coherence of the text.
The passage “which they believed was a key factor” (first paragraph) could be correctly rewritten in the passive voice as which was believed to be a key factor, without this changing the meaning and coherence of the text.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032726
Inglês
Texto associado
On May 13th, 1822, a group of 186 women sent Maria
Leopoldina the Letter from the Bahian Women to Her Royal
Highness Dona Leopoldina, congratulating her on her role in the
patriotic rulings of her husband, Prince Regent Dom Pedro. The
document acknowledged the contribution made by the then
princess and empress-to-be to ensuring her husband’s
permanence in Brazil, which they believed was a key factor in
gaining independence from Portugal. “Far more than just a letter,
it is a political manifesto,” notes historian Maria de Lourdes
Viana Lyra. “At that time, in Brazil, women were given a
subordinate role restricted to private household and family
affairs. Outside the domestic sphere, women were made invisible,
but that did not stop them from mobilizing politically to fight for
independence in a variety of ways,” she states.
In addition to isolated actions led by famous figures, there
were other many significant actions that are still largely unknown
to the general public, more specifically, those related to instances
of collective mobilization of women active in the public arena
during the fight for Brazilian independence. Historian Andréa
Slemian expands on the matter. “Throughout this process, many
women expressed themselves through letters, manifestos, and
other texts. Thus, the nascent press in Brazil played an important
role, not only by publishing these women’s ideas regarding
independence on editorial pages, for example, but also by serving
as a mouthpiece for views supporting women’s rights,” notes
Slemian.
Ana Paula Orlandi. Unafraid to fight.
Internet: :<www.revistapesquisa.fapesp.br> (adapted).
Considering the ideas and linguistic aspects of the text above, judge the follow item.
In the title of the letter alluded to in the first paragraph, the word “her” is used four times with the same meaning and could correctly be replaced by his in all four cases, had the letter been written to the Prince.
In the title of the letter alluded to in the first paragraph, the word “her” is used four times with the same meaning and could correctly be replaced by his in all four cases, had the letter been written to the Prince.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032725
Inglês
Texto associado
On May 13th, 1822, a group of 186 women sent Maria
Leopoldina the Letter from the Bahian Women to Her Royal
Highness Dona Leopoldina, congratulating her on her role in the
patriotic rulings of her husband, Prince Regent Dom Pedro. The
document acknowledged the contribution made by the then
princess and empress-to-be to ensuring her husband’s
permanence in Brazil, which they believed was a key factor in
gaining independence from Portugal. “Far more than just a letter,
it is a political manifesto,” notes historian Maria de Lourdes
Viana Lyra. “At that time, in Brazil, women were given a
subordinate role restricted to private household and family
affairs. Outside the domestic sphere, women were made invisible,
but that did not stop them from mobilizing politically to fight for
independence in a variety of ways,” she states.
In addition to isolated actions led by famous figures, there
were other many significant actions that are still largely unknown
to the general public, more specifically, those related to instances
of collective mobilization of women active in the public arena
during the fight for Brazilian independence. Historian Andréa
Slemian expands on the matter. “Throughout this process, many
women expressed themselves through letters, manifestos, and
other texts. Thus, the nascent press in Brazil played an important
role, not only by publishing these women’s ideas regarding
independence on editorial pages, for example, but also by serving
as a mouthpiece for views supporting women’s rights,” notes
Slemian.
Ana Paula Orlandi. Unafraid to fight.
Internet: :<www.revistapesquisa.fapesp.br> (adapted).
Considering the ideas and linguistic aspects of the text above, judge the follow item.
It can be correctly inferred from the text that the general public is unaware of many different facts which led to Brazilian independence.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - Inglês |
Q2032724
Inglês
Texto associado
On May 13th, 1822, a group of 186 women sent Maria
Leopoldina the Letter from the Bahian Women to Her Royal
Highness Dona Leopoldina, congratulating her on her role in the
patriotic rulings of her husband, Prince Regent Dom Pedro. The
document acknowledged the contribution made by the then
princess and empress-to-be to ensuring her husband’s
permanence in Brazil, which they believed was a key factor in
gaining independence from Portugal. “Far more than just a letter,
it is a political manifesto,” notes historian Maria de Lourdes
Viana Lyra. “At that time, in Brazil, women were given a
subordinate role restricted to private household and family
affairs. Outside the domestic sphere, women were made invisible,
but that did not stop them from mobilizing politically to fight for
independence in a variety of ways,” she states.
In addition to isolated actions led by famous figures, there
were other many significant actions that are still largely unknown
to the general public, more specifically, those related to instances
of collective mobilization of women active in the public arena
during the fight for Brazilian independence. Historian Andréa
Slemian expands on the matter. “Throughout this process, many
women expressed themselves through letters, manifestos, and
other texts. Thus, the nascent press in Brazil played an important
role, not only by publishing these women’s ideas regarding
independence on editorial pages, for example, but also by serving
as a mouthpiece for views supporting women’s rights,” notes
Slemian.
Ana Paula Orlandi. Unafraid to fight.
Internet: :<www.revistapesquisa.fapesp.br> (adapted).
Based on the picture above, which shows paintings depicting
Empress Maria Leopoldina and Maria Quitéria de Jesus, and
the information given in the previous text, it is correct to
state that both these women.
are examples of the “famous figures” alluded to at the beginning of the second paragraph of the text.
are examples of the “famous figures” alluded to at the beginning of the second paragraph of the text.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - 1º Dia |
Q2021275
Português
Texto associado
O uso de novas marcas de gênero na língua portuguesa
como decorrência de um ativismo social aplicado à linguagem
nos convida a uma análise. Há registro de diversos movimentos
relacionados à busca de usos alternativos aos aceitos
oficialmente. Até recentemente, esses movimentos tinham como
foco principal a adoção de usos que conferissem à língua do
Brasil uma identidade própria. O ativismo atual preocupa-se
menos com estrangeirismos e mais com aspectos ligados às
questões de gênero.
Examinemos os usos de “@”, “x”, “e” como desinências
para identificar conjuntos de pessoas de diferentes gêneros, em
substituição ao plural masculino, previsto nas normas
gramaticais. Segundo essas normas, basta que haja um elemento
masculino para que o plural seja masculino. Ao nos referirmos a
um coletivo em que haja pelo menos uma pessoa do gênero
masculino, escrevemos: Nossas saudações a todos. Nos usos do
ativismo, temos: Nossas saudações a “tod@s”, “todxs”, “todes”
e, mais recentemente, “tods”. Do ponto de vista da
funcionalidade da língua, os dois primeiros, assim como o
último, não se mostram viáveis no caso de sua produção oral, fato
que nos leva a supor que seu uso, enquanto perdurar, continuará
restrito ao contexto da escrita. O terceiro (“e”) não apresenta essa
limitação. Para uso amplo, tanto na fala quanto na escrita, parecenos, então, que só ele tenha alguma perspectiva de incorporação à
língua portuguesa.
Marcelo Correia e Castro. TODAS, TODES, TODOS, TODS, TODXS,
TOD@S: ativismo social, gênero e usos da língua. In: Revista Ciência
Hoje, julho 2021. Internet:<www.cienciahoje.org.br> (com adaptações).
Com relação às ideias e aos aspectos gramaticais do texto anterior, julgue o item.
No quinto período do segundo parágrafo, o pronome “seu” se refere a
“tod@s”, “todxs” e “tods”, apenas.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - 1º Dia |
Q2021273
Português
Texto associado
O uso de novas marcas de gênero na língua portuguesa
como decorrência de um ativismo social aplicado à linguagem
nos convida a uma análise. Há registro de diversos movimentos
relacionados à busca de usos alternativos aos aceitos
oficialmente. Até recentemente, esses movimentos tinham como
foco principal a adoção de usos que conferissem à língua do
Brasil uma identidade própria. O ativismo atual preocupa-se
menos com estrangeirismos e mais com aspectos ligados às
questões de gênero.
Examinemos os usos de “@”, “x”, “e” como desinências
para identificar conjuntos de pessoas de diferentes gêneros, em
substituição ao plural masculino, previsto nas normas
gramaticais. Segundo essas normas, basta que haja um elemento
masculino para que o plural seja masculino. Ao nos referirmos a
um coletivo em que haja pelo menos uma pessoa do gênero
masculino, escrevemos: Nossas saudações a todos. Nos usos do
ativismo, temos: Nossas saudações a “tod@s”, “todxs”, “todes”
e, mais recentemente, “tods”. Do ponto de vista da
funcionalidade da língua, os dois primeiros, assim como o
último, não se mostram viáveis no caso de sua produção oral, fato
que nos leva a supor que seu uso, enquanto perdurar, continuará
restrito ao contexto da escrita. O terceiro (“e”) não apresenta essa
limitação. Para uso amplo, tanto na fala quanto na escrita, parecenos, então, que só ele tenha alguma perspectiva de incorporação à
língua portuguesa.
Marcelo Correia e Castro. TODAS, TODES, TODOS, TODS, TODXS,
TOD@S: ativismo social, gênero e usos da língua. In: Revista Ciência
Hoje, julho 2021. Internet:<www.cienciahoje.org.br> (com adaptações).
Com relação às ideias e aos aspectos gramaticais do texto anterior, julgue o item.
A oração “que haja um elemento masculino” (segundo
período do segundo parágrafo) funciona como o
complemento direto da forma verbal “basta”.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - 1º Dia |
Q2021271
Português
Texto associado
O uso de novas marcas de gênero na língua portuguesa
como decorrência de um ativismo social aplicado à linguagem
nos convida a uma análise. Há registro de diversos movimentos
relacionados à busca de usos alternativos aos aceitos
oficialmente. Até recentemente, esses movimentos tinham como
foco principal a adoção de usos que conferissem à língua do
Brasil uma identidade própria. O ativismo atual preocupa-se
menos com estrangeirismos e mais com aspectos ligados às
questões de gênero.
Examinemos os usos de “@”, “x”, “e” como desinências
para identificar conjuntos de pessoas de diferentes gêneros, em
substituição ao plural masculino, previsto nas normas
gramaticais. Segundo essas normas, basta que haja um elemento
masculino para que o plural seja masculino. Ao nos referirmos a
um coletivo em que haja pelo menos uma pessoa do gênero
masculino, escrevemos: Nossas saudações a todos. Nos usos do
ativismo, temos: Nossas saudações a “tod@s”, “todxs”, “todes”
e, mais recentemente, “tods”. Do ponto de vista da
funcionalidade da língua, os dois primeiros, assim como o
último, não se mostram viáveis no caso de sua produção oral, fato
que nos leva a supor que seu uso, enquanto perdurar, continuará
restrito ao contexto da escrita. O terceiro (“e”) não apresenta essa
limitação. Para uso amplo, tanto na fala quanto na escrita, parecenos, então, que só ele tenha alguma perspectiva de incorporação à
língua portuguesa.
Marcelo Correia e Castro. TODAS, TODES, TODOS, TODS, TODXS,
TOD@S: ativismo social, gênero e usos da língua. In: Revista Ciência
Hoje, julho 2021. Internet:<www.cienciahoje.org.br> (com adaptações).
Com relação às ideias e aos aspectos gramaticais do texto anterior, julgue o item.
O autor do texto mostra-se contrário à incorporação das
formas “tod@s”, “todxs” e “tods” como marcas de gênero na
língua portuguesa, por serem formas restritas à língua
escrita.
Ano: 2022
Banca:
CESPE / CEBRASPE
Órgão:
UNB
Prova:
CESPE / CEBRASPE - 2022 - UNB - Vestibular - 1º Dia |
Q2021270
Português
Com relação às ideias e aos aspectos linguísticos da charge precedente, julgue o item seguinte.
Comparando-se os quadrinhos “Quem acha” e “Quem se
informa”, no primeiro, verificam-se características de um
nível de linguagem mais coloquial, ao passo que, no
segundo, identificam-se termos técnicos característicos de
uma área do conhecimento.
Conheça nossos planos