Questões de Vestibular
Comentadas sobre interpretação de texto | reading comprehension em inglês
Foram encontradas 2.261 questões
Ano: 2014
Banca:
FGV
Órgão:
FGV
Prova:
FGV - 2014 - FGV - Vestibular - 1° Fase - Prova Tarde- 2015 |
Q539011
Inglês
Texto associado
Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
Argentina's creditors, as the second paragraph shows,
Ano: 2014
Banca:
FGV
Órgão:
FGV
Prova:
FGV - 2014 - FGV - Vestibular - 1° Fase - Prova Tarde- 2015 |
Q539010
Inglês
Texto associado
Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
The explanation given by Argentina's president, in the second
paragraph, implies that
Ano: 2014
Banca:
FGV
Órgão:
FGV
Prova:
FGV - 2014 - FGV - Vestibular - 1° Fase - Prova Tarde- 2015 |
Q539009
Inglês
Texto associado
Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
According to the first paragraph,
Ano: 2014
Banca:
FGV
Órgão:
FGV
Prova:
FGV - 2014 - FGV - Vestibular - 1° Fase - Prova Tarde- 2015 |
Q539008
Inglês
Texto associado
Argentina defaults – Eighth time unlucky
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
Cristina Fernández argues that her country's latest default is different. She is missing the point.
Aug 2nd 2014
ARGENTINA'S first bond, issued in 1824, was supposed to have had a lifespan of 46 years. Less than four years later, the government defaulted. Resolving the ensuing stand-off with creditors took 29 years. Since then seven more defaults have followed, the most recent this week, when Argentina failed to make a payment on bonds issued as partial compensation to victims of the previous default, in 2001.
Most investors think they can see a pattern in all this, but Argentina’s president, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, insists the latest default is not like the others. Her government, she points out, had transferred the full $539m it owed to the banks that administer the bonds. It is America’s courts (the bonds were issued under American law) that blocked the payment, at the behest of the tiny minority of owners of bonds from 2001 who did not accept the restructuring Argentina offered them in 2005 and again in 2010. These “hold-outs”, balking at the 65% haircut the restructuring entailed, not only persuaded a judge that they should be paid in full but also got him to freeze payments on the restructured bonds until Argentina coughs up.
Argentina claims that paying the hold-outs was impossible. It is not just that they are “vultures" as Argentine officials often put it, who bought the bonds for cents on the dollar after the previous default and are now holding those who accepted the restructuring (accounting for 93% of the debt) to ransom. The main problem is that a clause in the restructured bonds prohibits Argentina from offering the hold-outs better terms without paying everyone else the same. Since it cannot afford to do that, it says it had no choice but to default.
Yet it is not certain that the clause requiring equal treatment of all bondholders would have applied, given that Argentina would not have been paying the hold-outs voluntarily, but on the courts' orders. Moreover, some owners of the restructured bonds had agreed to waive their rights; had Argentina made a concerted effort to persuade the remainder to do the same, it might have succeeded. Lawyers and bankers have suggested various ways around the clause in question, which expires at the end of the year. But Argentina's government was slow to consider these options or negotiate with the hold-outs, hiding instead behind indignant nationalism.
Ms Fernández is right that the consequences of America's court rulings have been perverse, unleashing a big financial dispute in an attempt to solve a relatively small one. But hers is not the first government to be hit with an awkward verdict. Instead of railing against it, she should have tried to minimise the harm it did. Defaulting has helped no one: none of the bondholders will now be paid, Argentina looks like a pariah again, and its economy will remain starved of loans and investment.
Happily, much of the damage can still be undone. It is not too late to strike a deal with the hold-outs or back an ostensibly private effort to buy out their claims. A quick fix would make it easier for Argentina to borrow again internationally. That, in turn, would speed development of big oil and gas deposits, the income from which could help ease its money troubles.
More important, it would help to change perceptions of Argentina as a financial rogue state. Over the past year or so Ms Fernández seems to have been trying to rehabilitate Argentina's image and resuscitate its faltering economy. She settled financial disputes with government creditors and with Repsol, a Spanish oil firm whose Argentine assets she had expropriated in 2012. This week's events have overshadowed all that. For its own sake, and everyone else's, Argentina should hold its nose and do a deal with the hold-outs.
(http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21610263. Adapted)
The title and the lead-in (in journalist jargon, the line which
introduces the main text) to the article imply that its author
Ano: 2014
Banca:
PUC - RJ
Órgão:
PUC - RJ
Prova:
PUC - RJ - 2014 - PUC - RJ - Vestibular - Prova de Inglês - Relações Internacionais |
Q538240
Inglês
Texto associado
The authors, in the original publication of this text, added the following paragraph to support one of their arguments. “Visit a factory in China’s Guangdong Province, for example, and you will see thousands of young people working day in and day out on routine, repetitive tasks, such as connecting two parts of a keyboard. Such jobs are rarely, if ever, seen anymore in the United States or the rest of the rich world. But they may not exist for long in China and the rest of the developing world either, for they involve exactly the type of tasks that are easy for robots to do. As intelligent machines become cheaper and more capable, they will increasingly replace human labor, especially in relatively structured environments such as factories and especially for the most routine and repetitive tasks. To put it another way, offshoring is often only a way station on the road to automation.”
This paragraph would fit in immediately after the paragraph that ends in.
Q537835
Inglês
Between now and 2050 the number of people living in cities will grow from 3.9 billion to 6.3 billion. The proportion of urban dwellers will swell from 54% to 67% of the world's population, according to the UN. In other words, for the next 36 years the world's cities will expand by the equivalent of six São Paulos every year. This growth will largely occur in developing countries. But most governments there are ignoring the problem, says William Cobbett of the Cities Alliance, an NGO that supports initiatives such as the one launched by New York University to help cities make long-term preparations for their growth. “Whether we want it or not, urbanisation is inevitable," say specialists. “The real question is: how can we improve its quality?"
The Economist, June 21st 2014. Adaptado.
Segundo William Cobbett,
The Economist, June 21st 2014. Adaptado.
Segundo William Cobbett,
Q537834
Inglês
Between now and 2050 the number of people living
in cities will grow from 3.9 billion to 6.3 billion. The
proportion of urban dwellers will swell from 54% to 67% of
the world's population, according to the UN. In other words,
for the next 36 years the world's cities will expand by the
equivalent of six São Paulos every year. This growth will
largely occur in developing countries. But most
governments there are ignoring the problem, says William
Cobbett of the Cities Alliance, an NGO that supports
initiatives such as the one launched by New York University
to help cities make long-term preparations for their growth.
“Whether we want it or not, urbanisation is inevitable," say
specialists. “The real question is: how can we improve its
quality?"
The Economist, June 21st 2014. Adaptado.
De acordo com o texto,
The Economist, June 21st 2014. Adaptado.
De acordo com o texto,
Q537833
Inglês
Texto associado
You know the exit is somewhere along this stretch of
highway, but you have
never taken it before
and do not want to miss
it. As you carefully scan
the side of the road for
the exit sign, numerous
distractions intrude on
your visual field:
billboards, a snazzy
convertible, a cell phone
buzzing on the
dashboard. How does your brain focus on the task at hand?
To answer this question, neuroscientists generally study the way the brain strengthens its response to what you are looking for – jolting itself with an especially large electrical pulse when you see it. Another mental trick may be just as important, according to a study published in April in the Journal of Neuroscience: the brain deliberately weakens its reaction to everything else so that the target seems more important in comparison.
Such research may eventually help scientists understand what is happening in the brains of people with attention problems, such as attentionͲdeficit/hyperactivity disorder. And in a world increasingly permeated by distractions – a major contributor to traffic accidents – any insights into how the brain pays attention should get ours.
Scientific American, July 2014. Adaptado.
De acordo com o texto, a pesquisa mencionada pode
Q537832
Inglês
Texto associado
You know the exit is somewhere along this stretch of
highway, but you have
never taken it before
and do not want to miss
it. As you carefully scan
the side of the road for
the exit sign, numerous
distractions intrude on
your visual field:
billboards, a snazzy
convertible, a cell phone
buzzing on the
dashboard. How does your brain focus on the task at hand?
To answer this question, neuroscientists generally study the way the brain strengthens its response to what you are looking for – jolting itself with an especially large electrical pulse when you see it. Another mental trick may be just as important, according to a study published in April in the Journal of Neuroscience: the brain deliberately weakens its reaction to everything else so that the target seems more important in comparison.
Such research may eventually help scientists understand what is happening in the brains of people with attention problems, such as attentionͲdeficit/hyperactivity disorder. And in a world increasingly permeated by distractions – a major contributor to traffic accidents – any insights into how the brain pays attention should get ours.
Scientific American, July 2014. Adaptado.
Segundo estudo publicado no Journal of Neuroscience,
mencionado no texto,
Q537831
Inglês
Texto associado
You know the exit is somewhere along this stretch of
highway, but you have
never taken it before
and do not want to miss
it. As you carefully scan
the side of the road for
the exit sign, numerous
distractions intrude on
your visual field:
billboards, a snazzy
convertible, a cell phone
buzzing on the
dashboard. How does your brain focus on the task at hand?
To answer this question, neuroscientists generally study the way the brain strengthens its response to what you are looking for – jolting itself with an especially large electrical pulse when you see it. Another mental trick may be just as important, according to a study published in April in the Journal of Neuroscience: the brain deliberately weakens its reaction to everything else so that the target seems more important in comparison.
Such research may eventually help scientists understand what is happening in the brains of people with attention problems, such as attentionͲdeficit/hyperactivity disorder. And in a world increasingly permeated by distractions – a major contributor to traffic accidents – any insights into how the brain pays attention should get ours.
Scientific American, July 2014. Adaptado.
O foco principal do texto são as
Q537085
Inglês
Texto associado
An Italian Holiday Home For One Euro.
Are you looking for a holiday home in Italy? Why not buy a home in the picturesque town of Gangi for one Euro? This offer may seem too good to be true, but there's a catch: you have to promise to renovate the property within three years and this could cost you €20,000. Gangi's mayor came up with the idea to put some life back into the Sicilian town. Poverty caused many inhabitants to leave after World War II. The idea is attracting interest from all over the world. Would you buy one of these homes?
Disponível em: <http://tinytexts.wordpress.com/>. Acesso em: setembro de 2014
These words from the text: picturesque, too good to be true, catch, came up, poverty could be replaced with no change in their meanings for the following words respectively.
Q537084
Inglês
Texto associado
Read the text and answer the following question.
The master's program “British and American Cultures: Texts and Media" deals with the cultural productions of Great Britain and the United States of America in all their forms and variations. In addition to the research-oriented examination of English and American literature from their beginnings to the present day, the program also focuses on contemporary theoretical and critical discourses such as postcolonial studies, cultural studies, gender studies, performance studies, and media studies. From the dramas of Shakespeare to the representation of gender in American and British television, from Hamlet to the narrative forms of new media, a broad spectrum of texts will be discussed from multiple theoretical and methodological perspectives. Students will learn advanced analytical skills in dealing with fiction, poetry, drama, photography, movies, paintings, comics, and music. The course puts a special emphasis on innovative didactic methods of communication and on independent research work conducted by students. These approaches include, for example, the guided organization of a conference, symposium, or publication during which the students will be showcasing their own projects or research papers. Students will attend seminars and lectures in both English and American Studies with the option to specialize in one of these disciplines in the later part of the program.
Disponível em:
<http://www.uni hamburg.de/iaa/Master_British_and_American_Cultures.html>. Acesso em: setembro 2014.
The words highlighted in the text: deals, examination, broad, research and option could be replaced by the following with no change in their meanings:
Q537082
Inglês
Texto associado
Brainy, Yes, but Far From Handy
STANFORD, Calif. — In factories and warehouses, robots routinely outdo humans in strength and precision. Artificial intelligence software can drive cars, beat grandmasters at chess and leave “Jeopardy!" champions in the dust.
But machines still lack a critical element that will keep them from eclipsing most human capabilities anytime soon: a well-developed sense of touch.
Consider Dr. Nikolas Blevins, a head and neck surgeon at Stanford Health Care who routinely performs ear operations requiring that he shave away bone deftly enough to leave an inner surface as thin as the membrane in an eggshell.
Dr. Blevins is collaborating with the roboticists J. Kenneth Salisbury and Sonny Chan on designing software that will make it possible to rehearse these operations before performing them. The program blends X-ray and magnetic resonance imaging data to create a vivid three-dimensional model of the inner ear, allowing the surgeon to practice drilling away bone, to take a visual tour of the patient's skull and to virtually “feel" subtle differences in cartilage, bone and soft tissue. Yet no matter how thorough or refined, the software provides only the roughest approximation of Dr. Blevins's sensitive touch.
Disponível em: <http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/02/science/robot-touch.html?ref=science>. Acesso em: setembro de 2014.
Select the alternative that is TRUE to the text.
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 2º Vestibular |
Q516029
Inglês
Texto associado
When I ..................... a long time, very patiently, without ..................... him lie down, I resolved to open a little — a very, very little crevice in the lantern. So I opened it — you cannot imagine how stealthily,
stealthily — until, at length, a single dim ray, like the thread of the spider, shot from out the crevice and full upon the vulture eye.
Extracted from The Tell-Tale Heart by Edgar Allan Poe
When I ..................... a long time, very patiently, without ..................... him lie down, I resolved to open a little — a very, very little crevice in the lantern. So I opened it — you cannot imagine how stealthily,
stealthily — until, at length, a single dim ray, like the thread of the spider, shot from out the crevice and full upon the vulture eye.
Extracted from The Tell-Tale Heart by Edgar Allan Poe
Choose the words that best keep the meaning of the original sentence if they are substituted for the underlined words.
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 2º Vestibular |
Q516027
Inglês
Texto associado
TEXT 2
Gabriel García Márquez was a Literary Giant
With a Passion for Journalism
By Karla Zabludovsky Friday, April 18,2014
The late Gabriel García Márquez holds a special place in the hearts of journalists.
Like Charles Dickens, Mark Twain and Ernest Hemingway — or contemporaries like Pete Hamill and Tom Wolfe — García Márquez, a titan of 20th century literature, honed his writing skills as a reporter
before he became a celebrated novelist.
Even as his literary star rose, García Márquez, known colloquially across Latin America as Gabo, spoke proudly, tenderly and frequently about journalism.
“Those who are self-taught are avid and quick, and during those bygone times, we were that to a great extent in order to keep paving the way for the best profession in the world… as we ourselves called
it," said García Márquez during a speech about journalism at the 52nd Assembly of the Inter American Press Association in 1996.
Newsweek Magazine
Gabriel García Márquez was a Literary Giant
With a Passion for Journalism
By Karla Zabludovsky Friday, April 18,2014
The late Gabriel García Márquez holds a special place in the hearts of journalists.
Like Charles Dickens, Mark Twain and Ernest Hemingway — or contemporaries like Pete Hamill and Tom Wolfe — García Márquez, a titan of 20th century literature, honed his writing skills as a reporter
before he became a celebrated novelist.
Even as his literary star rose, García Márquez, known colloquially across Latin America as Gabo, spoke proudly, tenderly and frequently about journalism.
“Those who are self-taught are avid and quick, and during those bygone times, we were that to a great extent in order to keep paving the way for the best profession in the world… as we ourselves called
it," said García Márquez during a speech about journalism at the 52nd Assembly of the Inter American Press Association in 1996.
Newsweek Magazine
Choose the letter that best defines the phrase bygone times in the passage.
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 2º Vestibular |
Q516025
Inglês
Texto associado
TEXT 2
Gabriel García Márquez was a Literary Giant
With a Passion for Journalism
By Karla Zabludovsky Friday, April 18,2014
The late Gabriel García Márquez holds a special place in the hearts of journalists.
Like Charles Dickens, Mark Twain and Ernest Hemingway — or contemporaries like Pete Hamill and Tom Wolfe — García Márquez, a titan of 20th century literature, honed his writing skills as a reporter
before he became a celebrated novelist.
Even as his literary star rose, García Márquez, known colloquially across Latin America as Gabo, spoke proudly, tenderly and frequently about journalism.
“Those who are self-taught are avid and quick, and during those bygone times, we were that to a great extent in order to keep paving the way for the best profession in the world… as we ourselves called
it," said García Márquez during a speech about journalism at the 52nd Assembly of the Inter American Press Association in 1996.
Newsweek Magazine
Gabriel García Márquez was a Literary Giant
With a Passion for Journalism
By Karla Zabludovsky Friday, April 18,2014
The late Gabriel García Márquez holds a special place in the hearts of journalists.
Like Charles Dickens, Mark Twain and Ernest Hemingway — or contemporaries like Pete Hamill and Tom Wolfe — García Márquez, a titan of 20th century literature, honed his writing skills as a reporter
before he became a celebrated novelist.
Even as his literary star rose, García Márquez, known colloquially across Latin America as Gabo, spoke proudly, tenderly and frequently about journalism.
“Those who are self-taught are avid and quick, and during those bygone times, we were that to a great extent in order to keep paving the way for the best profession in the world… as we ourselves called
it," said García Márquez during a speech about journalism at the 52nd Assembly of the Inter American Press Association in 1996.
Newsweek Magazine
It is stated in the text that
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 2º Vestibular |
Q516023
Inglês
Texto associado
TEXT 1
Brazil turns to drones to protect Amazon
By Joe Leahy in Alta Floresta, Mato Grosso. April 21,2014.
Brazilian municipalities are turning to drones as they prepare to implement a tough new law designed to save the Amazon from total deforestation.
Municipal authorities in the Amazon region, ...........1 ............. of which covers double the size of Scotland, are looking to use drones to map properties and monitor whether farmers and others are maintaining the minimum of forest cover required under the new forest code.
“With the acquisition of a drone, we would have a better result, we would have a panoramic view of how this process of recuperation is progressing," said Gercilene Meira, a specialist with the state environmental secretariat in the municipality of Alta Floresta, in Mato Grosso state. “We have done some tests using balloons but it was not sufficient."
Passed in 2012, Brazil's forest code was hailed as a breakthrough in the country's efforts to protect the Amazon while maintaining its emergence as an agricultural power. It is already one of ...........2 ............. exporters of sugar, coffee, soya beans and beef.
The law requires farmers in the Amazon to preserve up to 80 per cent of the forest on their land as well as protect springs and rivers. Those who violated previous restrictions on deforestation are required
to recuperate parts of the lost vegetation on their lands.
The need for the new law was highlighted last year, when deforestation of the Amazon increased for the first time in several years.
Adapted from Financial Times
Brazil turns to drones to protect Amazon
By Joe Leahy in Alta Floresta, Mato Grosso. April 21,2014.
Brazilian municipalities are turning to drones as they prepare to implement a tough new law designed to save the Amazon from total deforestation.
Municipal authorities in the Amazon region, ...........1 ............. of which covers double the size of Scotland, are looking to use drones to map properties and monitor whether farmers and others are maintaining the minimum of forest cover required under the new forest code.
“With the acquisition of a drone, we would have a better result, we would have a panoramic view of how this process of recuperation is progressing," said Gercilene Meira, a specialist with the state environmental secretariat in the municipality of Alta Floresta, in Mato Grosso state. “We have done some tests using balloons but it was not sufficient."
Passed in 2012, Brazil's forest code was hailed as a breakthrough in the country's efforts to protect the Amazon while maintaining its emergence as an agricultural power. It is already one of ...........2 ............. exporters of sugar, coffee, soya beans and beef.
The law requires farmers in the Amazon to preserve up to 80 per cent of the forest on their land as well as protect springs and rivers. Those who violated previous restrictions on deforestation are required
to recuperate parts of the lost vegetation on their lands.
The need for the new law was highlighted last year, when deforestation of the Amazon increased for the first time in several years.
Adapted from Financial Times
It can be inferred from the passage that
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 2º Vestibular |
Q516022
Inglês
Texto associado
TEXT 1
Brazil turns to drones to protect Amazon
By Joe Leahy in Alta Floresta, Mato Grosso. April 21,2014.
Brazilian municipalities are turning to drones as they prepare to implement a tough new law designed to save the Amazon from total deforestation.
Municipal authorities in the Amazon region, ...........1 ............. of which covers double the size of Scotland, are looking to use drones to map properties and monitor whether farmers and others are maintaining the minimum of forest cover required under the new forest code.
“With the acquisition of a drone, we would have a better result, we would have a panoramic view of how this process of recuperation is progressing," said Gercilene Meira, a specialist with the state environmental secretariat in the municipality of Alta Floresta, in Mato Grosso state. “We have done some tests using balloons but it was not sufficient."
Passed in 2012, Brazil's forest code was hailed as a breakthrough in the country's efforts to protect the Amazon while maintaining its emergence as an agricultural power. It is already one of ...........2 ............. exporters of sugar, coffee, soya beans and beef.
The law requires farmers in the Amazon to preserve up to 80 per cent of the forest on their land as well as protect springs and rivers. Those who violated previous restrictions on deforestation are required
to recuperate parts of the lost vegetation on their lands.
The need for the new law was highlighted last year, when deforestation of the Amazon increased for the first time in several years.
Adapted from Financial Times
Brazil turns to drones to protect Amazon
By Joe Leahy in Alta Floresta, Mato Grosso. April 21,2014.
Brazilian municipalities are turning to drones as they prepare to implement a tough new law designed to save the Amazon from total deforestation.
Municipal authorities in the Amazon region, ...........1 ............. of which covers double the size of Scotland, are looking to use drones to map properties and monitor whether farmers and others are maintaining the minimum of forest cover required under the new forest code.
“With the acquisition of a drone, we would have a better result, we would have a panoramic view of how this process of recuperation is progressing," said Gercilene Meira, a specialist with the state environmental secretariat in the municipality of Alta Floresta, in Mato Grosso state. “We have done some tests using balloons but it was not sufficient."
Passed in 2012, Brazil's forest code was hailed as a breakthrough in the country's efforts to protect the Amazon while maintaining its emergence as an agricultural power. It is already one of ...........2 ............. exporters of sugar, coffee, soya beans and beef.
The law requires farmers in the Amazon to preserve up to 80 per cent of the forest on their land as well as protect springs and rivers. Those who violated previous restrictions on deforestation are required
to recuperate parts of the lost vegetation on their lands.
The need for the new law was highlighted last year, when deforestation of the Amazon increased for the first time in several years.
Adapted from Financial Times
According to the text, which of the following is Not true?
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 1º Vestibular |
Q515701
Inglês
Texto associado
Don’t Think Your Success Is A Matter of Luck
Richard Hamming argues a major roadblock is thinking your success will be mainly about luck. To do first rate work, you have to drop any modesty and say to yourself: “Yes, I would like to do something significant.” Pasteur said, “Luck favors the prepared mind.” The prepared mind will eventually find something important and then do it. One characteristic of great people is usually “when they were young they had independent thoughts and had the courage to pursue them.” He says: “Once you get your courage up and believe that you can do important problems, then you can.” Psychology Today Magazine
Richard Hamming argues a major roadblock is thinking your success will be mainly about luck. To do first rate work, you have to drop any modesty and say to yourself: “Yes, I would like to do something significant.” Pasteur said, “Luck favors the prepared mind.” The prepared mind will eventually find something important and then do it. One characteristic of great people is usually “when they were young they had independent thoughts and had the courage to pursue them.” He says: “Once you get your courage up and believe that you can do important problems, then you can.” Psychology Today Magazine
The phrase “to pursue them” refers to
Ano: 2014
Banca:
UniCEUB
Órgão:
UniCEUB
Prova:
UniCEUB - 2014 - UniCEUB - Vestibular - 1º Vestibular |
Q515700
Inglês
Texto associado
Don’t Think Your Success Is A Matter of Luck
Richard Hamming argues a major roadblock is thinking your success will be mainly about luck. To do first rate work, you have to drop any modesty and say to yourself: “Yes, I would like to do something significant.” Pasteur said, “Luck favors the prepared mind.” The prepared mind will eventually find something important and then do it. One characteristic of great people is usually “when they were young they had independent thoughts and had the courage to pursue them.” He says: “Once you get your courage up and believe that you can do important problems, then you can.” Psychology Today Magazine
Richard Hamming argues a major roadblock is thinking your success will be mainly about luck. To do first rate work, you have to drop any modesty and say to yourself: “Yes, I would like to do something significant.” Pasteur said, “Luck favors the prepared mind.” The prepared mind will eventually find something important and then do it. One characteristic of great people is usually “when they were young they had independent thoughts and had the courage to pursue them.” He says: “Once you get your courage up and believe that you can do important problems, then you can.” Psychology Today Magazine
Choose the one word or phrase that best keeps the meaning of the original sentence if it is substituted for the underlined word respectively.
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