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Q4023163 Raciocínio Lógico

No que se refere a lógica de primeira ordem e lógica de argumentação, julgue o seguinte item. 

Considere as seguintes proposições de determinado deputado:
A: “Se eu não voto favorável à matéria, serei punido pela legenda.”;
B: “Se sou punido pela legenda, posso decepcionar os eleitores.”;
C: “Vou votar favorável à matéria.”.
Com base no argumento cujas premissas sejam as proposições A, B e C, é correto concluir que os eleitores não poderão ficar decepcionados.
Alternativas
Q4023162 Raciocínio Lógico

R: “Se o deputado não é favorável à matéria, então a votação do deputado é favorável se, e somente se, a legenda recomendar o voto favorável.”


Julgue os itens seguintes, acerca da proposição R precedente.

A proposição R terá valor lógico falso apenas nos casos em que for verdadeiro o valor lógico da proposição simples “O deputado não é favorável à matéria.”. 
Alternativas
Q4023161 Raciocínio Lógico

R: “Se o deputado não é favorável à matéria, então a votação do deputado é favorável se, e somente se, a legenda recomendar o voto favorável.”


Julgue os itens seguintes, acerca da proposição R precedente.

A negação da proposição R pode ser expressa por “Ou a votação do deputado é favorável, ou a legenda recomendou o voto favorável e o deputado não é favorável à matéria.”. 
Alternativas
Q4023160 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
As mentioned at the end of the text, the message about the airport-style screening advertised in a parliamentary website could have a dual effect on people, even if they are not told its exact implications.
Alternativas
Q4023159 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
According to the text, with “Carefully crafted securityminded communications”, potential attackers are discouraged and caught before being able to cause any harm.
Alternativas
Q4023158 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
n the second paragraph, both “Given that”, in “Given that risk is a product of threat”, and “to the effect that”, in “can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures” can be respectively replaced with Because and because without this changing the original meaning of the text.
Alternativas
Q4023157 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
Based on the text, it is correct to conclude that the possibility of threat reduction being successful varies according to the level of determination and to the ability of those posing threats. 
Alternativas
Q4023156 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
The passage “some combination thereof”, in “reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof)” (second paragraph), necessarily indicates a combination of the two last factors mentioned: vulnerability reduction and impact reduction.
Alternativas
Q4023155 Inglês
    The security risks faced by Parliaments, legislatures, elected representatives, and the officials who support them, differ greatly according to their evolving national and local circumstances, among other things. For some, the biggest security risks may stem from disruptive protesters and cyber criminals, but terrorism may pose the most concerning risks for others. In fact, threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time.
    Given that risk is a product of threat, vulnerability, and impact, it follows that ultimately there are only three ways to reduce security risk — namely, by reducing the threat, reducing the vulnerability, or reducing the impact (or some combination thereof). Reducing the threat element of security risk is difficult, especially in the case of determined and capable threat actors. Responsibility for reducing threats tends to lie mainly with national law enforcement, security, and intelligence agencies. That said, parliaments and other organisations can contribute to threat reduction through deterrence — in other words, by influencing the intentions of threat actors. Carefully crafted security-minded communications can convey a discouraging message to potential attackers, to the effect that they should expect to confront professional security measures and face a substantial risk of being caught. For instance, a parliamentary website might advertise that visitors will undergo ‘airport-style screening’, without explaining precisely what that entails. The public should be reassured by such message, whereas some threat actors might be deterred.

Paul Martin. Parliamentary security: an introductory guide.
Internet: <www.cpahq.org> (adapted).


Considering the preceding text, judge the following item. 
In the excerpt “threat actors differ enormously in their intentions and capabilities, which also change over time” (first paragraph), “which” refers to “threat actors”. 
Alternativas
Q4023154 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
In the fragment “police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens” (second paragraph), “ordinary citizens” are people who represent the average citizen in a democratic society.
Alternativas
Q4023153 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
According to the text, the limitations imposed on police work in democratic societies are motivated by the fact that the use of arms almost never happens. 
Alternativas
Q4023152 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
In the sentence “The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists” (first paragraph), the authors imply that, in authoritarian societies, proper qualification may not suffice for someone to become a police officer.
Alternativas
Q4023151 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
The authors oppose two different roles of the police, each one related to a specific way political power can be exercised in a society. 
Alternativas
Q4023150 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
The words “Rather” (last sentence of the first paragraph) and “Instead” (fourth sentence of the second paragraph) could be used interchangeably in the text without this making it incoherent. 
Alternativas
Q4023149 Inglês
    The role of the police in a healthy democracy is radically different from their role in authoritarian societies. In autocratic regimes, the police serve mainly to protect not the people, but the regime. The police are therefore typically politicized, with appointments being part of the patronage system that rewards regime loyalists. Police officers spend a great deal of time spying on the populace to unmask political opposition; crime against citizens is less of a concern. Abuse and corruption are usually rife, because police are not held accountable for their actions. Rather, political leaders tolerate abuses by the police in return for police loyalty to the regime.
    By contrast, in democratic societies the primary mission of the police is to protect citizens against crime and disorder, including illegal or corrupt behavior by officials. In democracies, police have carefully circumscribed roles that require close and positive relations with ordinary citizens. The use of arms and pursuit of criminals are rare and take up only a tiny fraction of police time. Instead, police officers spend the vast bulk of their time building relationships with the community through patrols, community-enhancing activities, and listening to citizens. The goal of democratic policing is to build a web of relationships between the community and the police that helps to control crime by making police aware of the persons and activities in the communities that they are assigned to protect and by inclining citizens to trust and cooperate with police. This also achieves the primary goal of making citizens feel secure in their daily activities, thereby fostering a climate that encourages increased legitimate business activity, investment, and planning for the future.

Michael D. Wiatrowski and Jack A. Goldstone. The ballot and the badge: democratic policing. In: Journal
of Democracy, Volume 21, Number 2. Internet: <muse.jhu.edu>  (adapted).


Concerning the previous text, judge the following items.
It is correct to infer from the first paragraph of the text that investigating common crimes committed against citizens is not part of the police’s duties in autocratic nations. 
Alternativas
Q4023147 Português

    Medos e fobias compõem uma lista breve e universal. Cobras e aranhas sempre amedrontam. São o que mais comumente provoca medo e asco em estudantes universitários cujas fobias foram estudadas; isso tem sido assim por muito tempo em nossa história evolutiva. Donald Hebb constatou que chimpanzés nascidos em cativeiro gritam aterrorizados quando veem uma cobra pela primeira vez. Mesmo nas culturas que veneram as serpentes, as pessoas as tratam com muita cautela.


    Os outros medos comuns são de altura, tempestades, grandes carnívoros, escuridão, sangue, estranhos, confinamento, águas profundas, escrutínio social e deixar a casa sozinha. A linha comum é óbvia: essas são as situações que punham em perigo nossos ancestrais. Aranhas e cobras frequentemente são venenosas, em especial na África, e a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes para a saúde de um coletor de alimentos ou, no caso do escrutínio social, para o status. O medo é a emoção que motivava nossos ancestrais a lidar com os perigos que tendiam a encontrar.


    O medo provavelmente consiste em várias emoções. Fobias de coisas físicas, de escrutínio social e de deixar a casa sozinha reagem a diferentes tipos de drogas, o que é um indício de que são computadas por circuitos cerebrais distintos. O psiquiatra Isaac Marks demonstrou que as pessoas reagem de modos diferentes a diferentes estímulos atemorizantes, sendo cada reação apropriada ao perigo. Um animal desencadeia o ímpeto de fugir, mas um precipício faz a pessoa ficar petrificada. Ameaças sociais conduzem à timidez e a gestos de apaziguamento. Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue, pois sua pressão sanguínea cai, presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue.


    A melhor evidência de que medos são adaptações, e não apenas erros do sistema nervoso, é que os animais que evoluíram em ilhas sem predadores perdem o medo e se tornam presas fáceis para qualquer invasor. Os medos dos atuais habitantes das cidades protegem-nos de perigos que não existem mais e deixam de nos proteger dos perigos do mundo que nos cerca. Deveríamos ter medo de armas de fogo, de dirigir em alta velocidade, de andar de carro sem cinto de segurança, de fluido de isqueiro e do secador de cabelo perto da banheira, e não de cobras e aranhas. Os responsáveis pela segurança pública tentam incutir o medo no coração dos cidadãos usando todos os recursos, das estatísticas às fotografias chocantes, geralmente em vão. Os pais gritam e castigam os filhos para impedi-los de brincar com fósforos ou de correr atrás da bola na rua, mas, quando se perguntou a estudantes de séries iniciais em Chicago o que eles mais temiam, as crianças citaram leões, tigres e cobras — perigos improváveis naquela cidade.


Steven Pinker. O cheiro do medo. In: Como a mente funciona.

Laura Motta (Trad.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998 (com adaptações).



Julgue o item a seguir, referente às ideias e a aspectos linguísticos do texto precedente

No último parágrafo, os vocábulos “são”, em “medos são adaptações”, e “vão”, em “geralmente em vão”, pertencem a classes de palavras distintas. 
Alternativas
Q4023146 Português

    Medos e fobias compõem uma lista breve e universal. Cobras e aranhas sempre amedrontam. São o que mais comumente provoca medo e asco em estudantes universitários cujas fobias foram estudadas; isso tem sido assim por muito tempo em nossa história evolutiva. Donald Hebb constatou que chimpanzés nascidos em cativeiro gritam aterrorizados quando veem uma cobra pela primeira vez. Mesmo nas culturas que veneram as serpentes, as pessoas as tratam com muita cautela.


    Os outros medos comuns são de altura, tempestades, grandes carnívoros, escuridão, sangue, estranhos, confinamento, águas profundas, escrutínio social e deixar a casa sozinha. A linha comum é óbvia: essas são as situações que punham em perigo nossos ancestrais. Aranhas e cobras frequentemente são venenosas, em especial na África, e a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes para a saúde de um coletor de alimentos ou, no caso do escrutínio social, para o status. O medo é a emoção que motivava nossos ancestrais a lidar com os perigos que tendiam a encontrar.


    O medo provavelmente consiste em várias emoções. Fobias de coisas físicas, de escrutínio social e de deixar a casa sozinha reagem a diferentes tipos de drogas, o que é um indício de que são computadas por circuitos cerebrais distintos. O psiquiatra Isaac Marks demonstrou que as pessoas reagem de modos diferentes a diferentes estímulos atemorizantes, sendo cada reação apropriada ao perigo. Um animal desencadeia o ímpeto de fugir, mas um precipício faz a pessoa ficar petrificada. Ameaças sociais conduzem à timidez e a gestos de apaziguamento. Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue, pois sua pressão sanguínea cai, presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue.


    A melhor evidência de que medos são adaptações, e não apenas erros do sistema nervoso, é que os animais que evoluíram em ilhas sem predadores perdem o medo e se tornam presas fáceis para qualquer invasor. Os medos dos atuais habitantes das cidades protegem-nos de perigos que não existem mais e deixam de nos proteger dos perigos do mundo que nos cerca. Deveríamos ter medo de armas de fogo, de dirigir em alta velocidade, de andar de carro sem cinto de segurança, de fluido de isqueiro e do secador de cabelo perto da banheira, e não de cobras e aranhas. Os responsáveis pela segurança pública tentam incutir o medo no coração dos cidadãos usando todos os recursos, das estatísticas às fotografias chocantes, geralmente em vão. Os pais gritam e castigam os filhos para impedi-los de brincar com fósforos ou de correr atrás da bola na rua, mas, quando se perguntou a estudantes de séries iniciais em Chicago o que eles mais temiam, as crianças citaram leões, tigres e cobras — perigos improváveis naquela cidade.


Steven Pinker. O cheiro do medo. In: Como a mente funciona.

Laura Motta (Trad.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998 (com adaptações).



Julgue o item a seguir, referente às ideias e a aspectos linguísticos do texto precedente

No texto, tanto a expressão “presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue” (final do terceiro parágrafo) quanto a expressão “perigos improváveis naquela cidade” (final do último parágrafo) exercem a função sintática de aposto. 
Alternativas
Q4023144 Português

    Medos e fobias compõem uma lista breve e universal. Cobras e aranhas sempre amedrontam. São o que mais comumente provoca medo e asco em estudantes universitários cujas fobias foram estudadas; isso tem sido assim por muito tempo em nossa história evolutiva. Donald Hebb constatou que chimpanzés nascidos em cativeiro gritam aterrorizados quando veem uma cobra pela primeira vez. Mesmo nas culturas que veneram as serpentes, as pessoas as tratam com muita cautela.


    Os outros medos comuns são de altura, tempestades, grandes carnívoros, escuridão, sangue, estranhos, confinamento, águas profundas, escrutínio social e deixar a casa sozinha. A linha comum é óbvia: essas são as situações que punham em perigo nossos ancestrais. Aranhas e cobras frequentemente são venenosas, em especial na África, e a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes para a saúde de um coletor de alimentos ou, no caso do escrutínio social, para o status. O medo é a emoção que motivava nossos ancestrais a lidar com os perigos que tendiam a encontrar.


    O medo provavelmente consiste em várias emoções. Fobias de coisas físicas, de escrutínio social e de deixar a casa sozinha reagem a diferentes tipos de drogas, o que é um indício de que são computadas por circuitos cerebrais distintos. O psiquiatra Isaac Marks demonstrou que as pessoas reagem de modos diferentes a diferentes estímulos atemorizantes, sendo cada reação apropriada ao perigo. Um animal desencadeia o ímpeto de fugir, mas um precipício faz a pessoa ficar petrificada. Ameaças sociais conduzem à timidez e a gestos de apaziguamento. Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue, pois sua pressão sanguínea cai, presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue.


    A melhor evidência de que medos são adaptações, e não apenas erros do sistema nervoso, é que os animais que evoluíram em ilhas sem predadores perdem o medo e se tornam presas fáceis para qualquer invasor. Os medos dos atuais habitantes das cidades protegem-nos de perigos que não existem mais e deixam de nos proteger dos perigos do mundo que nos cerca. Deveríamos ter medo de armas de fogo, de dirigir em alta velocidade, de andar de carro sem cinto de segurança, de fluido de isqueiro e do secador de cabelo perto da banheira, e não de cobras e aranhas. Os responsáveis pela segurança pública tentam incutir o medo no coração dos cidadãos usando todos os recursos, das estatísticas às fotografias chocantes, geralmente em vão. Os pais gritam e castigam os filhos para impedi-los de brincar com fósforos ou de correr atrás da bola na rua, mas, quando se perguntou a estudantes de séries iniciais em Chicago o que eles mais temiam, as crianças citaram leões, tigres e cobras — perigos improváveis naquela cidade.


Steven Pinker. O cheiro do medo. In: Como a mente funciona.

Laura Motta (Trad.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998 (com adaptações).



Julgue o item a seguir, referente às ideias e a aspectos linguísticos do texto precedente

Diferentemente do medo de armas de fogo, o medo de cobra é caracterizado no texto como algo que independe de experiência prévia, é constante, ocorre em diferentes culturas e tem base biológica.
Alternativas
Q4023143 Português

    Medos e fobias compõem uma lista breve e universal. Cobras e aranhas sempre amedrontam. São o que mais comumente provoca medo e asco em estudantes universitários cujas fobias foram estudadas; isso tem sido assim por muito tempo em nossa história evolutiva. Donald Hebb constatou que chimpanzés nascidos em cativeiro gritam aterrorizados quando veem uma cobra pela primeira vez. Mesmo nas culturas que veneram as serpentes, as pessoas as tratam com muita cautela.


    Os outros medos comuns são de altura, tempestades, grandes carnívoros, escuridão, sangue, estranhos, confinamento, águas profundas, escrutínio social e deixar a casa sozinha. A linha comum é óbvia: essas são as situações que punham em perigo nossos ancestrais. Aranhas e cobras frequentemente são venenosas, em especial na África, e a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes para a saúde de um coletor de alimentos ou, no caso do escrutínio social, para o status. O medo é a emoção que motivava nossos ancestrais a lidar com os perigos que tendiam a encontrar.


    O medo provavelmente consiste em várias emoções. Fobias de coisas físicas, de escrutínio social e de deixar a casa sozinha reagem a diferentes tipos de drogas, o que é um indício de que são computadas por circuitos cerebrais distintos. O psiquiatra Isaac Marks demonstrou que as pessoas reagem de modos diferentes a diferentes estímulos atemorizantes, sendo cada reação apropriada ao perigo. Um animal desencadeia o ímpeto de fugir, mas um precipício faz a pessoa ficar petrificada. Ameaças sociais conduzem à timidez e a gestos de apaziguamento. Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue, pois sua pressão sanguínea cai, presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue.


    A melhor evidência de que medos são adaptações, e não apenas erros do sistema nervoso, é que os animais que evoluíram em ilhas sem predadores perdem o medo e se tornam presas fáceis para qualquer invasor. Os medos dos atuais habitantes das cidades protegem-nos de perigos que não existem mais e deixam de nos proteger dos perigos do mundo que nos cerca. Deveríamos ter medo de armas de fogo, de dirigir em alta velocidade, de andar de carro sem cinto de segurança, de fluido de isqueiro e do secador de cabelo perto da banheira, e não de cobras e aranhas. Os responsáveis pela segurança pública tentam incutir o medo no coração dos cidadãos usando todos os recursos, das estatísticas às fotografias chocantes, geralmente em vão. Os pais gritam e castigam os filhos para impedi-los de brincar com fósforos ou de correr atrás da bola na rua, mas, quando se perguntou a estudantes de séries iniciais em Chicago o que eles mais temiam, as crianças citaram leões, tigres e cobras — perigos improváveis naquela cidade.


Steven Pinker. O cheiro do medo. In: Como a mente funciona.

Laura Motta (Trad.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998 (com adaptações).



Julgue o item a seguir, referente às ideias e a aspectos linguísticos do texto precedente

No segmento “Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue” (terceiro parágrafo), a oração “Há pessoas” poderia ser reescrita como Existem pessoas, sem prejuízo dos sentidos e da correção gramatical do texto; entretanto as relações sintáticas estabelecidas na oração seriam alteradas, pois o termo “pessoas” deixaria de exercer a função de complemento verbal e passaria a funcionar como sujeito da oração.
Alternativas
Q4023142 Português

    Medos e fobias compõem uma lista breve e universal. Cobras e aranhas sempre amedrontam. São o que mais comumente provoca medo e asco em estudantes universitários cujas fobias foram estudadas; isso tem sido assim por muito tempo em nossa história evolutiva. Donald Hebb constatou que chimpanzés nascidos em cativeiro gritam aterrorizados quando veem uma cobra pela primeira vez. Mesmo nas culturas que veneram as serpentes, as pessoas as tratam com muita cautela.


    Os outros medos comuns são de altura, tempestades, grandes carnívoros, escuridão, sangue, estranhos, confinamento, águas profundas, escrutínio social e deixar a casa sozinha. A linha comum é óbvia: essas são as situações que punham em perigo nossos ancestrais. Aranhas e cobras frequentemente são venenosas, em especial na África, e a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes para a saúde de um coletor de alimentos ou, no caso do escrutínio social, para o status. O medo é a emoção que motivava nossos ancestrais a lidar com os perigos que tendiam a encontrar.


    O medo provavelmente consiste em várias emoções. Fobias de coisas físicas, de escrutínio social e de deixar a casa sozinha reagem a diferentes tipos de drogas, o que é um indício de que são computadas por circuitos cerebrais distintos. O psiquiatra Isaac Marks demonstrou que as pessoas reagem de modos diferentes a diferentes estímulos atemorizantes, sendo cada reação apropriada ao perigo. Um animal desencadeia o ímpeto de fugir, mas um precipício faz a pessoa ficar petrificada. Ameaças sociais conduzem à timidez e a gestos de apaziguamento. Há pessoas que realmente desmaiam ao ver sangue, pois sua pressão sanguínea cai, presumivelmente uma reação que minimizaria uma perda adicional de sangue.


    A melhor evidência de que medos são adaptações, e não apenas erros do sistema nervoso, é que os animais que evoluíram em ilhas sem predadores perdem o medo e se tornam presas fáceis para qualquer invasor. Os medos dos atuais habitantes das cidades protegem-nos de perigos que não existem mais e deixam de nos proteger dos perigos do mundo que nos cerca. Deveríamos ter medo de armas de fogo, de dirigir em alta velocidade, de andar de carro sem cinto de segurança, de fluido de isqueiro e do secador de cabelo perto da banheira, e não de cobras e aranhas. Os responsáveis pela segurança pública tentam incutir o medo no coração dos cidadãos usando todos os recursos, das estatísticas às fotografias chocantes, geralmente em vão. Os pais gritam e castigam os filhos para impedi-los de brincar com fósforos ou de correr atrás da bola na rua, mas, quando se perguntou a estudantes de séries iniciais em Chicago o que eles mais temiam, as crianças citaram leões, tigres e cobras — perigos improváveis naquela cidade.


Steven Pinker. O cheiro do medo. In: Como a mente funciona.

Laura Motta (Trad.). São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1998 (com adaptações).



Julgue o item a seguir, referente às ideias e a aspectos linguísticos do texto precedente

Seria mantida a correção gramatical do texto, embora sua coerência fosse prejudicada, caso a forma verbal presente no trecho “a maioria dos outros medos representa perigos evidentes” (segundo parágrafo) fosse flexionada no plural — representam.
Alternativas
Respostas
281: E
282: C
283: C
284: C
285: E
286: E
287: C
288: E
289: E
290: C
291: E
292: C
293: C
294: C
295: E
296: C
297: C
298: C
299: C
300: E