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TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
I. NS are considered a subaltern professional group in comparison with NNS.
II. NNS could be considered an emerging elite within TESOL.
III. NNS are usually seen as a marginalized or subaltern community.
IV. NNS are a group resistant to change. V. The inequity between NS and NNS is a temporary phenomenon in education.
Now, select the CORRECT alternative, whose statement(s) is/are true:
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
TEXT 1
The Decolonial Option in English Teaching: Can the Subaltern Act?
In this reflective article that straddles the personal and the professional, the author shares his critical thoughts on the impact of the steady stream of discourse on the native speaker/nonnative speaker (NS/NNS) inequity in the field of TESOL. His contention is that more than a quarter century of the discoursal output has not in any significant way altered the ground reality of NNS subordination. Therefore, he further contends, it is legitimate to ask what the discourse has achieved, where it has fallen short, why it has fallen short, and what needs to be done. Drawing insights from the works of Gramsci (1971) on hegemony and subalternity, and Mignolo (2010) on decoloniality, the author characterizes the NNS community as a subaltern community and argues that, if it wishes to effectively disrupt the hegemonic power structure, the only option open to it is a decolonial option which demands resultoriented action, not just “intellectual elaboration.” Accordingly, he presents the contours of a five-point plan of action for the consideration of the subaltern community. He claims that only a collective, concerted, and coordinated set of actions carries the potential to shake the foundation of the hegemonic power structure and move the subaltern community forward.
Excerpt extracted and adapted from: KUMARAVADIVELU, Bala. The decolonial option in English teaching: Can the subaltern act? TESOL Quarterly, [S.l.], v. 50, n. 1, p. 66–85, 2016. DOI: 10.1002/tesq.202. Available in: https://doi.org/10.1002/tesq.202.
I. Compreender acontecimentos históricos, relações de poder e processos e mecanismos de transformação e manutenção das estruturas sociais, políticas, econômicas e culturais ao longo do tempo e em diferentes espaços, a fim de analisar, posicionar-se e intervir no mundo contemporâneo.
II. Produzir, avaliar e utilizar tecnologias digitais de informação e comunicação de modo crítico, ético e responsável, compreendendo seus significados para os diferentes grupos ou estratos sociais.
III. Abordar a transição do medievo à modernidade, a expansão marítima, as sociedades ameríndias e africanas, a escravidão moderna e as colônias na América, desenvolvendo aptidão de análise, discussão e contextualização.
É CORRETO o que se afirma em:
I. O AI-1 foi publicado em 9 de abril de 1964. Por meio dele, os militares cassaram mandatos, suspenderam os direitos políticos de opositores por dez anos, instituíram eleições indiretas para a Presidência da República e fortaleceram o Poder Executivo federal.
II. Em dezembro de 1968, o presidente Costa e Silva decretou o AI-5. Por meio desse ato, fechou o Congresso Nacional e suspendeu os direitos políticos e constitucionais individuais, incluindo o habeas corpus, o que possibilitou a realização de prisões sistemáticas.
III. No governo Médici, foi adotada uma política voltada ao crescimento econômico. Como efeito imediato, houve geração de empregos e crescimento acelerado do Produto Interno Bruto (PIB), que, em 1973, chegou a registrar aumento de 14%. Em consequência, a ditadura passou a difundir a ideia de que o país vivia um “milagre econômico”.
É CORRETO o que se afirma em:
I. Os conflitos entre paulistas e recém-chegados, chamados pejorativamente de emboabas, na região das lavras auríferas, culminaram no episódio conhecido como Guerra dos Emboabas, ocorrido entre 1707 e 1709.
II. Em 1720, Filipe dos Santos liderou cerca de dois mil mineiros contra a instalação das casas de fundição e os altos preços das mercadorias em Vila Rica. O Conde de Assumar organizou tropas e reprimiu o movimento, que ficou conhecido como Revolta de Filipe dos Santos.
III. No início do século XVIII, com a expansão da atividade mineradora, a cidade do Rio de Janeiro tornou-se o principal centro de ligação entre a Europa, as Minas Gerais e o restante da colônia.
É CORRETO o que se afirma em:
A respeito desses povos, sua cultura, organização social, religião e o processo de colonização por eles sofrido, é INCORRETO afirmar:
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