Questões de Concurso Sobre interpretação de texto | reading comprehension em inglês

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Q4429053 Inglês

Question regard Text 02 below.



Text 02


Noam Chomsky: The False Promise of ChatGPT March 8, 2023

By Noam Chomsky, Ian Roberts and Jeffrey Watumull

Dr. Chomsky and Dr. Roberts are professors of linguistics. Dr. Watumull is a director of artificial intelligence at a science and technology company. 


Jorge Luis Borges once wrote that to live in a time of great peril and promise is to experience both tragedy and comedy, with “the imminence of a revelation” in understanding ourselves and the world. Today our supposedly revolutionary advancements in artificial intelligence are indeed cause for both concern and optimism. Optimism because intelligence is the means by which we solve problems. Concern because we fear that the most popular and fashionable strain of A.I. — machine learning — will degrade our science and debase our ethics by incorporating into our technology a fundamentally flawed conception of language and knowledge. 


OpenAI’s ChatGPT, Google’s Bard and Microsoft’s Sydney are marvels of machine learning. Roughly speaking, they take huge amounts of data, search for patterns in it and become increasingly proficient at generating statistically probable outputs — such as seemingly humanlike language and thought. These programs have been hailed as the first glimmers on the horizon of artificial general intelligence — that long-prophesied moment when mechanical minds surpass human brains not only quantitatively in terms of processing speed and memory size but also qualitatively in terms of intellectual insight, artistic creativity and every other distinctively human faculty.


That day may come, but its dawn is not yet breaking, contrary to what can be read in hyperbolic headlines and reckoned by injudicious investments. The Borgesian revelation of understanding has not and will not — and, we submit, cannot — occur if machine learning programs like ChatGPT continue to dominate the field of A.I. However useful these programs may be in some narrow domains (they can be helpful in computer programming, for example, or in suggesting rhymes for light verse), we know from the science of linguistics and the philosophy of knowledge that they differ profoundly from how humans reason and use language. These differences place significant limitations on what these programs can do, encoding them with ineradicable defects. (…)  


Fragment from https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/08/opinion/noam-chomsky-chatgpt-ai.html - accessed on November 23rd, 2023. 

Text 02 says that:
Alternativas
Q4429052 Inglês

Question regard Text 02 below.



Text 02


Noam Chomsky: The False Promise of ChatGPT March 8, 2023

By Noam Chomsky, Ian Roberts and Jeffrey Watumull

Dr. Chomsky and Dr. Roberts are professors of linguistics. Dr. Watumull is a director of artificial intelligence at a science and technology company. 


Jorge Luis Borges once wrote that to live in a time of great peril and promise is to experience both tragedy and comedy, with “the imminence of a revelation” in understanding ourselves and the world. Today our supposedly revolutionary advancements in artificial intelligence are indeed cause for both concern and optimism. Optimism because intelligence is the means by which we solve problems. Concern because we fear that the most popular and fashionable strain of A.I. — machine learning — will degrade our science and debase our ethics by incorporating into our technology a fundamentally flawed conception of language and knowledge. 


OpenAI’s ChatGPT, Google’s Bard and Microsoft’s Sydney are marvels of machine learning. Roughly speaking, they take huge amounts of data, search for patterns in it and become increasingly proficient at generating statistically probable outputs — such as seemingly humanlike language and thought. These programs have been hailed as the first glimmers on the horizon of artificial general intelligence — that long-prophesied moment when mechanical minds surpass human brains not only quantitatively in terms of processing speed and memory size but also qualitatively in terms of intellectual insight, artistic creativity and every other distinctively human faculty.


That day may come, but its dawn is not yet breaking, contrary to what can be read in hyperbolic headlines and reckoned by injudicious investments. The Borgesian revelation of understanding has not and will not — and, we submit, cannot — occur if machine learning programs like ChatGPT continue to dominate the field of A.I. However useful these programs may be in some narrow domains (they can be helpful in computer programming, for example, or in suggesting rhymes for light verse), we know from the science of linguistics and the philosophy of knowledge that they differ profoundly from how humans reason and use language. These differences place significant limitations on what these programs can do, encoding them with ineradicable defects. (…)  


Fragment from https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/08/opinion/noam-chomsky-chatgpt-ai.html - accessed on November 23rd, 2023. 

In “Today our supposedly revolutionary advancements in artificial intelligence are indeed cause for both concern and optimism. Optimism because intelligence is the means by which we solve problems.”, we have “cause” and “means” as: 
Alternativas
Q4429051 Inglês

Attention: Question refer to Text 01. Only one alternative is correct.



Text 01


English is perhaps the most widely-spoken, widely-taught and widely-researched language in the world. For these reasons, research centred on (varieties of) English1 has been fundamental to the development of sociolinguistics and related disciplines, as with many branches of linguistics and language sciences. From insight into the social stratification of linguistic variables (Labov), to understanding of the way in which language intertwines with social communities and identity (Eckert), via explorations as to how context is embedded in language (Gumperz), studies focusing on English have played a key role in shaping the questions, methods and concepts of sociolinguistics and other disciplines that adopt a social approach to researching language.   


This dynamic shows no signs of abating and recent research has continued this exploration of English as a social practice, shedding light on the reciprocal influence between English and matters relating to gender (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet), sexuality (Ehrlich et al.), political resistance (Reisigl and Wodak), race (Makoni et al.), climate change (Flottum) and all nature of social, sanitary and/or economic crises (Piller et al.), to name but a few key areas of interest. In sum, English – whether as a first language, as a lingua franca (Mauranen and Ranta) or within multi- or plurilingual practices (Forlot) – is deeply intertwined with extremely diverse sociolinguistic configurations. Linguistically speaking, these different social contexts contribute profoundly to shaping all aspects of the genesis, evolution and variation of English (Glain). Seen from another angle, these same English(es) constitute social, cultural, ideological, identity, political, or sometimes even economic, resources (e.g. Heller; Eckert; Trudgill), deployed by speakers in any number of social contexts, to any number of social ends. [...] 


1 In a quest for clarity, “English” is used in place of “(varieties of) English” from this point forward. However, all occurrences of “English” should be taken to include “(varieties of) English”.


From: https://journals.openedition.org/anglophonia/4683 accessed on November 23rd, 2023. 

The expression “shedding light on” (2nd paragraph) means to:
Alternativas
Ano: 2026 Banca: FCC Órgão: ABGF Prova: FCC - 2026 - ABGF - Contador |
Q4428392 Não definido
A financial institution is developing a methodology to classify investments and financing linked to economic activities within the scope of the Brazilian Sustainable Taxonomy (TSB). The operations may involve green bonds, sovereign green bonds, carbon credits or blended finance.
The basis of assessment that the institution use to determine whether the underlying economic activity is aligned with the TSB is:
Alternativas
Q4427863 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
The article combines labour-market statistics, historical examples, explicitly qualified causal explanations, evaluative expressions and recommendations concerning public policy. Such features are relevant when the text is analysed as a genre rather than merely as a source of vocabulary.

Considering its communicative purpose and organisation, select the CORRECT characterization. 
Alternativas
Q4427859 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
A teacher uses the article as the basis for an advanced classroom discussion. The objective is to assess interactional competence rather than the ability to reproduce a previously prepared monologue.

Which classroom procedure is the most consistent with this objective?
Alternativas
Q4427858 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
A public-school English teacher intends to use the article with advanced learners. Rather than assessing only the retrieval of explicit information, the teacher wants students to distinguish between empirical evidence, causal hypotheses and evaluative positioning.

Which activity is consistent with that objective?
Alternativas
Q4427857 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
Several expressions in the article acquire meanings that depend on context rather than on the literal meanings of their individual words.

Judge the statements below as True (T) or False (F).

(__) In "ability to tide oneself over between jobs", tide oneself over means to manage temporarily through a difficult period by using available resources.
(__) In "hang on to workers", hang on to expresses the idea of retaining employees rather than physically holding them.
(__) In "runaway housing prices", runaway suggests that housing prices are falling rapidly after a prolonged period of stability.
(__) In "the risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment", weighed against means evaluated in comparison with another consideration.

The CORRECT sequence, from top to bottom, is:
Alternativas
Q4427855 Inglês
O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


Less job mobility, lower productivity: the cost of cosy capitalism


Australians are changing jobs far less often than they did 50 years ago. Financial insecurity, debt and workplace barriers may be trapping workers in jobs – and helping entrench a low-productivity form of "cosy capitalism".


Fifty years ago work was different, wasn't it? Your first job on leaving school was at the bottom of the hierarchy – filing, making coffee or cleaning up the building site. If all went well you would move through the ranks and retire from the same firm or government department having achieved a middle or senior rank. That was before there was a gig economy, before computers allowed people to set up their own microbusinesses, and before the word 'precariat' had been coined.

What a pity the ABS has challenged this myth with hard data in their annual series on Job Mobility. In the 1970s on average 17 per cent of workers changed their employer or business in any one year: now only 8 per cent of workers do. We're staying much longer in our jobs. This series, going back to 1972, is shown below.

The trend is clearly towards less mobility, interrupted by the occasional economic shock – the 'recession we had to have' in 1990, and the pandemic in 2020.

One might have expected that increased female participation in the workforce would have seen more mobility, but women have followed the same trend as men: after the mid-1980s the male and female lines are indistinguishable.

Tracing cause and effect would involve a large research task, but there are some plausible explanations.

One is that the workforce has become more professionalised. There are fewer short-term unskilled vacancies, and fewer workers lacking any post-school skills. Work has become a more serious commitment by both employees and employers.

Another is that the cost to the individual in changing jobs has increased. This requires some explanation, because it is not immediately obvious.

Over the last half century there has been a significant fall in personal savings. Fifty years ago we were saving about 15 to 20 per cent of household income. Now our savings are between 2 and 5 per cent of income. This is partly a statistical artefact, because we are now accumulating savings in compulsory superannuation. But in terms of liquidity, such as ability to tide oneself over between jobs, it is a real constraint. The ABS Making ends meet survey shows that 27 per cent of households would be unable to raise $2,000 for something important within a week. We are carrying more personal debt, not because we are spendthrifts, but because some debt, particularly student debt, has been forced upon us, and runaway housing prices have increased the burden of mortgage debt.

To illustrate this fall in savings, we note that the days of long strikes are well behind us. Now a one-day strike is newsworthy. In times past strikes could stretch out for weeks and no industry was immune: in 1973 Sydney's Kings Cross strippers went on strike for up to two months.

Some workers now are restricted in their mobility by non-compete clauses. Many workers realise that shifting to another job probably involves going through a probationary period, with an uncertain outcome. The associated risk of unemployment has to be weighed against the lower risk of continued employment in a comparatively secure but less satisfying job.

We have allowed our economy to evolve into what may be called a pattern of cosy capitalism, where businesses have a compliant and stable (if not necessarily content) workforce. It works for business not only in terms of power in the labour market, but also in the broader economy. Consumption is sustained by innovations such as buy-now-pay-later schemes, heightening dependence on regular pay. People with no cash in reserve depend on car loans and are unlikely to risk taking low-cost-high-deductible home and contents insurance. It's all very convenient for the finance sector.

Cosy capitalism is low-productivity capitalism, because it throttles the dynamics of capitalism. Workers become trapped in low-productivity jobs, and entrepreneurs trying to establish new businesses find it hard to attract labour. Existing firms have little incentive to boost labour productivity if they feel assured that they can hang on to workers in low-productivity jobs and don't have to increase their pay. 

There are certain things governments can do to boost productivity that involve removing friction in the system. The government has committed to banning the unjustified use of non-compete clauses, for example. State governments could make it easier for people to move by abolishing real-estate transfer taxes and replacing them with land taxes. The Commonwealth could boost JobSeeker payments and remove some of the spend-down provisions in its asset test, shifting its design from a scheme of distributive welfare to one of income insurance. More could be done to allow for transfer of long service leave and sick leave between employers.

Such policies would boost productivity, but they wouldn't be met with many thanks from those who do well for themselves in our pattern of cosy capitalism. Business lobbies may speak for the short-term interests of existing business, but not for the interests of business in its wider sense. The distinction is important.


https://johnmenadue.com/post/2026/08/less-job-mobility-lower-productiv ity-the-cost-of-cosy-capitalism/
The article develops an argument in which declining job mobility is connected to changes in household finances, employment risks and firms' incentives. However, the author explicitly distinguishes between statistical trends and explanations that would require further investigation.

Considering the argumentative structure of the text, select the CORRECT alternative.
Alternativas
Q4426994 Inglês

Leia os textos a seguir para responder à questão:


Texto 1


        Simplified texts are those which have been made simpler so as to make it easier for learners to read them. The usual principles of simplification involve reduction in length of the text, shortening of sentences, omission or replacement of difficult words or structures, and omission of non-essential detail. Some applied linguists prefer to simplify texts by adding examples, by using repetition and paraphrase and by increasing redundant information.


(TOMLINSON, B. (ed.). Materials Development in Language Teaching. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023)



Texto 2


        A “dificuldade” de um texto não se mede pelo tipo de oração ou complexidade sintática que ele contém. Não há texto fácil ou difícil do ponto de vista linguístico, simplesmente. Na sala de aula, o sucesso de um texto como parte de uma atividade depende do que se vai fazer com ele.


(Tony B. Sardinha. The book is not on the table: autenticidade e idiomaticidade do texto para ensino de inglês na perspectiva da linguística de corpus. IN: Maria Cristina Damianovic (org). Material Didático: Elaboração e Avaliação. Taubaté: Cabral - Editora e Livraria Universitária. 2007. Adaptado)

A relevant reading activity with an authentic journalistic text for use with an adult beginner student of English is
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Q4426993 Inglês

Leia os textos a seguir para responder à questão:


Texto 1


        Simplified texts are those which have been made simpler so as to make it easier for learners to read them. The usual principles of simplification involve reduction in length of the text, shortening of sentences, omission or replacement of difficult words or structures, and omission of non-essential detail. Some applied linguists prefer to simplify texts by adding examples, by using repetition and paraphrase and by increasing redundant information.


(TOMLINSON, B. (ed.). Materials Development in Language Teaching. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023)



Texto 2


        A “dificuldade” de um texto não se mede pelo tipo de oração ou complexidade sintática que ele contém. Não há texto fácil ou difícil do ponto de vista linguístico, simplesmente. Na sala de aula, o sucesso de um texto como parte de uma atividade depende do que se vai fazer com ele.


(Tony B. Sardinha. The book is not on the table: autenticidade e idiomaticidade do texto para ensino de inglês na perspectiva da linguística de corpus. IN: Maria Cristina Damianovic (org). Material Didático: Elaboração e Avaliação. Taubaté: Cabral - Editora e Livraria Universitária. 2007. Adaptado)

Na sentença do texto 1 “Simplified texts are those which have been made simpler so as to make it easier for learners to read them”, a expressão destacada introduz uma
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Q4426991 Inglês

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    Kumaravadivelu’s work on language teaching aims to illustrate the emergence of a postmethod condition in the literature on teaching second/foreign languages, and has what I realize to be a very personalized vision of language teaching.


    The different chapters discuss how methods evolved, and then critically assess those methods. A theme emerges that methods and predetermined materials and strategies lack the flexibility to be applied to the many varied contexts of English Language Teaching. Postmethod pedagogies can be differentiated from methods by an emphasis on developing teachers’ skills and flexibility to meet students’ needs. Kumaravadivelu’s critique of methods is the most comprehensive and detailed I have read.


    The book is divided into three major sections. The first section describes language as system, discourse and ideology. The second section provides a brief history, description, and assessment of language teaching methods and categorizes them as language-centered, learner-centered, and learningcentered. The third section, Postmethod Perspectives, discusses the parameters of postmethod pedagogy and analyses its challenges and barriers. I found this final section the most compelling reading. The postmethod condition commends strategies to “advance a context-sensitive, locationspecific pedagogy that is based on a true understanding of local linguistic, socio-cultural, and political particularities” (p. 224). An approach to language teaching that embraces such situational criteria is relevant to any teacher’s, researcher’s or attentive student’s awareness of just what is being taught and how.


(https://tesl-ej.org. Adaptado)

Mark the alternative in which the bolded word is a TRUE cognate in the context.
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Q4426990 Inglês

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão:


    Kumaravadivelu’s work on language teaching aims to illustrate the emergence of a postmethod condition in the literature on teaching second/foreign languages, and has what I realize to be a very personalized vision of language teaching.


    The different chapters discuss how methods evolved, and then critically assess those methods. A theme emerges that methods and predetermined materials and strategies lack the flexibility to be applied to the many varied contexts of English Language Teaching. Postmethod pedagogies can be differentiated from methods by an emphasis on developing teachers’ skills and flexibility to meet students’ needs. Kumaravadivelu’s critique of methods is the most comprehensive and detailed I have read.


    The book is divided into three major sections. The first section describes language as system, discourse and ideology. The second section provides a brief history, description, and assessment of language teaching methods and categorizes them as language-centered, learner-centered, and learningcentered. The third section, Postmethod Perspectives, discusses the parameters of postmethod pedagogy and analyses its challenges and barriers. I found this final section the most compelling reading. The postmethod condition commends strategies to “advance a context-sensitive, locationspecific pedagogy that is based on a true understanding of local linguistic, socio-cultural, and political particularities” (p. 224). An approach to language teaching that embraces such situational criteria is relevant to any teacher’s, researcher’s or attentive student’s awareness of just what is being taught and how.


(https://tesl-ej.org. Adaptado)

A breve descrição feita do pós-método no último parágrafo destaca
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Q4426989 Inglês

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão:


    Kumaravadivelu’s work on language teaching aims to illustrate the emergence of a postmethod condition in the literature on teaching second/foreign languages, and has what I realize to be a very personalized vision of language teaching.


    The different chapters discuss how methods evolved, and then critically assess those methods. A theme emerges that methods and predetermined materials and strategies lack the flexibility to be applied to the many varied contexts of English Language Teaching. Postmethod pedagogies can be differentiated from methods by an emphasis on developing teachers’ skills and flexibility to meet students’ needs. Kumaravadivelu’s critique of methods is the most comprehensive and detailed I have read.


    The book is divided into three major sections. The first section describes language as system, discourse and ideology. The second section provides a brief history, description, and assessment of language teaching methods and categorizes them as language-centered, learner-centered, and learningcentered. The third section, Postmethod Perspectives, discusses the parameters of postmethod pedagogy and analyses its challenges and barriers. I found this final section the most compelling reading. The postmethod condition commends strategies to “advance a context-sensitive, locationspecific pedagogy that is based on a true understanding of local linguistic, socio-cultural, and political particularities” (p. 224). An approach to language teaching that embraces such situational criteria is relevant to any teacher’s, researcher’s or attentive student’s awareness of just what is being taught and how.


(https://tesl-ej.org. Adaptado)

When preparing a reading lesson, a teacher who follows language-centered methods will give priority to activities which emphasize the
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Q4426988 Inglês

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão:


    Kumaravadivelu’s work on language teaching aims to illustrate the emergence of a postmethod condition in the literature on teaching second/foreign languages, and has what I realize to be a very personalized vision of language teaching.


    The different chapters discuss how methods evolved, and then critically assess those methods. A theme emerges that methods and predetermined materials and strategies lack the flexibility to be applied to the many varied contexts of English Language Teaching. Postmethod pedagogies can be differentiated from methods by an emphasis on developing teachers’ skills and flexibility to meet students’ needs. Kumaravadivelu’s critique of methods is the most comprehensive and detailed I have read.


    The book is divided into three major sections. The first section describes language as system, discourse and ideology. The second section provides a brief history, description, and assessment of language teaching methods and categorizes them as language-centered, learner-centered, and learningcentered. The third section, Postmethod Perspectives, discusses the parameters of postmethod pedagogy and analyses its challenges and barriers. I found this final section the most compelling reading. The postmethod condition commends strategies to “advance a context-sensitive, locationspecific pedagogy that is based on a true understanding of local linguistic, socio-cultural, and political particularities” (p. 224). An approach to language teaching that embraces such situational criteria is relevant to any teacher’s, researcher’s or attentive student’s awareness of just what is being taught and how.


(https://tesl-ej.org. Adaptado)

The text belongs to the academic genre
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Q4426985 Inglês

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Text 1


A number of researchers have studied conversations between speakers of English as a Lingua Franca (EFL) and have noted a number of surprising lexico-grammatical characteristics, including:


    •  Increasing of redundancy by adding “inexistent” prepositions (We have to study about...).

    •  Pluralisation of nouns which are considered uncountable in native-speaker English (informations, staffs).

    •  Interchangeable use of the relative pronouns who and which (a book who, a boy which).

    •  Omission of articles where they are mandatory in nativespeaker English.


    The evidence suggests that non-native speakers are not conforming to a native English standard. Truly, they seem to get along perfectly well despite the fact that they miss things out and put things in which ‘they should not do’.


(HARMER, J. The practice of English language teaching. 4th ed, Essex: Pearson Longman. Adaptado)



Text 2


 

    Teaching and learning English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is probably the most radical and controversial approach to emerge in recent years.

    

    Proponents of ELF have already given some indications of how they think conventional approaches to English as a Foreign Language (EFL) should be changed. Jenkins (2000), for example, argues for different priorities in teaching English pronunciation. Teaching certain pronunciation features (which do not cause intelligibility problems), such as the articulation of ‘th’ as an interdental fricative, appears to be a waste of time whereas other common pronunciation problems (such as simplifying consonant clusters) contribute to problems of understanding.


(GRADOLL, H. English Next. UK: British Council, 2006. Adaptado)

Due to interference from the Portuguese language, Brazilian learners of English may incorrectly add prepositions to verbs. A sentence not conforming to standard English is found in alternative 
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Q4426983 Inglês

Leia os textos para responder à questão.


Text 1


A number of researchers have studied conversations between speakers of English as a Lingua Franca (EFL) and have noted a number of surprising lexico-grammatical characteristics, including:


    •  Increasing of redundancy by adding “inexistent” prepositions (We have to study about...).

    •  Pluralisation of nouns which are considered uncountable in native-speaker English (informations, staffs).

    •  Interchangeable use of the relative pronouns who and which (a book who, a boy which).

    •  Omission of articles where they are mandatory in nativespeaker English.


    The evidence suggests that non-native speakers are not conforming to a native English standard. Truly, they seem to get along perfectly well despite the fact that they miss things out and put things in which ‘they should not do’.


(HARMER, J. The practice of English language teaching. 4th ed, Essex: Pearson Longman. Adaptado)



Text 2


 

    Teaching and learning English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is probably the most radical and controversial approach to emerge in recent years.

    

    Proponents of ELF have already given some indications of how they think conventional approaches to English as a Foreign Language (EFL) should be changed. Jenkins (2000), for example, argues for different priorities in teaching English pronunciation. Teaching certain pronunciation features (which do not cause intelligibility problems), such as the articulation of ‘th’ as an interdental fricative, appears to be a waste of time whereas other common pronunciation problems (such as simplifying consonant clusters) contribute to problems of understanding.


(GRADOLL, H. English Next. UK: British Council, 2006. Adaptado)

From the second paragraph in both texts, it is possible to understand that a central concern of English as a Lingua Franca is the search for
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Q4426982 Inglês

Leia os textos para responder à questão.


Text 1


A number of researchers have studied conversations between speakers of English as a Lingua Franca (EFL) and have noted a number of surprising lexico-grammatical characteristics, including:


    •  Increasing of redundancy by adding “inexistent” prepositions (We have to study about...).

    •  Pluralisation of nouns which are considered uncountable in native-speaker English (informations, staffs).

    •  Interchangeable use of the relative pronouns who and which (a book who, a boy which).

    •  Omission of articles where they are mandatory in nativespeaker English.


    The evidence suggests that non-native speakers are not conforming to a native English standard. Truly, they seem to get along perfectly well despite the fact that they miss things out and put things in which ‘they should not do’.


(HARMER, J. The practice of English language teaching. 4th ed, Essex: Pearson Longman. Adaptado)



Text 2


 

    Teaching and learning English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) is probably the most radical and controversial approach to emerge in recent years.

    

    Proponents of ELF have already given some indications of how they think conventional approaches to English as a Foreign Language (EFL) should be changed. Jenkins (2000), for example, argues for different priorities in teaching English pronunciation. Teaching certain pronunciation features (which do not cause intelligibility problems), such as the articulation of ‘th’ as an interdental fricative, appears to be a waste of time whereas other common pronunciation problems (such as simplifying consonant clusters) contribute to problems of understanding.


(GRADOLL, H. English Next. UK: British Council, 2006. Adaptado)

The Brazilian official document BNCC (Base Nacional Curricular Comum) proposes the teaching of English as a Lingua Franca (ELF) in Brazilian primary and secondary schools. The expression “English as Lingua Franca” refers to
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Q4426980 Inglês

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    When the covid-19 pandemic forced in-person classroom instruction to go virtual, students suddenly needed to have their own laptops or tablets in order to interact with teachers and complete assignments. In the United States (U.S.), federal pandemic funding was used to address the digital divide – the gap between students and families who had their own tablets, computers and high-speed internet, and those who did not.


    While most schools resumed in-person classes by 2021, many of them continued to rely heavily on online platforms and apps to help their students do their work. Today, however, more and more U.S. schools are trying to establish clearer expectations about when technology should be used, for what purpose and at what ages. Instead of treating screens as the default tool for instruction, some schools are directing teachers to use laptops only when the technology adds clear instructional value.


    In fact, the distinction between passive consumption and purposeful use is increasingly shaping school policy. Updated policies also reflect an emerging emphasis on age-appropriate screen use. For older students, technology may remain central to learning, particularly when students are using it to program, analyze data, model complex systems and critically evaluate information. Younger children, meanwhile, should have sufficient opportunities for play, conversation, movement and hands-on, “unplugged” learning, without screens.


    The issue is not whether students spend more or less time using technology. It is whether the time they spend with technology helps them build understanding, solve problems, think critically and make informed decisions. The technology itself is not what improves learning. What matters is how teachers use it to engage students in deeper thinking.


(Janice Mak. https://theconversation.com, 30.07.2026. Adaptado)

As a teacher, you would be reading this text critically as long as you
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Q4426978 Inglês

Leia o texto a seguir para responder à questão.



    When the covid-19 pandemic forced in-person classroom instruction to go virtual, students suddenly needed to have their own laptops or tablets in order to interact with teachers and complete assignments. In the United States (U.S.), federal pandemic funding was used to address the digital divide – the gap between students and families who had their own tablets, computers and high-speed internet, and those who did not.


    While most schools resumed in-person classes by 2021, many of them continued to rely heavily on online platforms and apps to help their students do their work. Today, however, more and more U.S. schools are trying to establish clearer expectations about when technology should be used, for what purpose and at what ages. Instead of treating screens as the default tool for instruction, some schools are directing teachers to use laptops only when the technology adds clear instructional value.


    In fact, the distinction between passive consumption and purposeful use is increasingly shaping school policy. Updated policies also reflect an emerging emphasis on age-appropriate screen use. For older students, technology may remain central to learning, particularly when students are using it to program, analyze data, model complex systems and critically evaluate information. Younger children, meanwhile, should have sufficient opportunities for play, conversation, movement and hands-on, “unplugged” learning, without screens.


    The issue is not whether students spend more or less time using technology. It is whether the time they spend with technology helps them build understanding, solve problems, think critically and make informed decisions. The technology itself is not what improves learning. What matters is how teachers use it to engage students in deeper thinking.


(Janice Mak. https://theconversation.com, 30.07.2026. Adaptado)

In the sentence from the first paragraph “In the United States (U.S.), federal pandemic funding was used to address the digital divide – the gap between students and families who had their own tablets, computers and high-speed internet, and those who did not.”, the fragment in bold functions as
Alternativas
Respostas
41: D
42: C
43: C
44: B
45: C
46: E
47: E
48: A
49: E
50: C
51: B
52: E
53: D
54: A
55: D
56: D
57: B
58: A
59: B
60: C