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Q3494287 Inglês

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How World War Two changed how France eats


By June 1940, German forces had blitzed through France in just six weeks, leading more than half of the country to be occupied. As a result, French staples like cheese, bread and meat were soon rationed, and by 1942 some citizens were living on as few as 1,110 calories per day. Even after World War Two ended in 1945, access to food in France would continue to be regulated by the government until 1949.


Such austerity certainly had an impact on how the French ate during and just after the war. Yet, more than 80 years after Allied forces landed in Normandy to begin liberating the nation on D-Day (6 June 1944), few visitors realise that France's wartime occupation still echoes across the nation's culinary landscape.


In the decades following WW2, the French abandoned the staples that had got them through the tough times of occupation; familiar ingredients like root vegetables and even hearty pain de campagne (country bread) were so eschewed they were nearly forgotten. But as wartime associations have slowly faded from memory, a bevy of younger chefs and tastemakers are reviving the foods that once kept the French alive.


There aren't many French residents old enough to vividly recall life in wartime France today, and fewer still would deign to discuss it. Author Kitty Morse only discovered her great-grandparents' "Occupation diary and recipe book" after her own mother's death. Morse released them in 2022 in her book Bitter Sweet: A Wartime Journal and Heirloom Recipes from Occupied France.


"My mother never said any of this to me," she said.


Aline Pla was just nine years old in 1945 but, raised by small-town grocers in the south of France, she remembers more than others might. "You were only allowed a few grams of bread a day," she recalled. "Some [people] stopped smoking − especially those with kids. They preferred trading for food."


Such widespread lack gave rise to ersatz replacements: saccharine stood in for sugar; butter was supplanted by lard or margarine; and instead of coffee, people brewed roots or grains, like acorns, chickpeas or the barley Pla recalls villagers roasting at home. While many of these wartime brews faded from fashion, chicory coffee remained a staple, at least in northern France. Ricoré − a blend of chicory and instant coffee − has been on supermarket shelves since the 1950s. More recently, brands like Cherico are reimagining it for a new generation, marketing it as a climate-conscious, healthful alternative traditional coffee.


According to Patrick Rambourg, French culinary historian and author of Histoire de la Cuisine et de la Gastronomie Françaises, if chicory never wholly disappeared in France, it's in large part thanks to its flavour. "Chicory tastes good," he explained. "It doesn't necessarily make you think of periods of austerity."


Other products did, however, such as swedes and Jerusalem artichokes, which WW2 historian Fabrice Grenard asserted "were more reserved for animals before the war." The French were nevertheless forced to rely heavily on them once potato rationing began in November 1940, and after the war, these vegetables became almost "taboo", according to Rambourg. "My mother never cooked a swede in her life," added Morse.


Two generations later, however, Jerusalem artichokes, in particular, have surged to near-omnipresence in Paris, from the trendy small plates at Belleville wine bar Paloma to the classic chalkboard menu at bistro Le Bon Georges. Alongside parsnips, turnips and swedes, they're often self-awarely called "les legumes oubliés"("the forgotten vegetables") and, according to Léo Giorgis, chef-owner of L'Almanach Montmartre, French chefs have been remembering them for about 15 years.


"Now you see Jerusalem artichokes everywhere, [as well as] swedes [and] golden turnips," he said. As a chef dedicated to seasonal produce, Giorgis finds their return inspiring, especially in winter. "Without them, we're kind of stuck with cabbages and butternut squah."


According to Apollonia Poilâne, the third generation of her family to run the eponymous bakery Poilâne, founded in 1932, a similar shift took place with French bread. Before the war, she explained, white baguettes, which weren't subject to the same imposed prices as sourdough, surged to popularity on a marketplace rife with competition. But in August 1940, bread was one of the first products to be rationed, and soon, white bread was supplanted by darker-crumbed iterations bulked out with bran, chestnut, potato or buckwheat. The sale of fresh bread was forbidden by law, which some say was implemented specifically to reduce bread's palatability.


"I never knew white bread!" said Pla. When one went to eat at a friend's home during wartime, she recalled, "You brought your bread − your bread ration. Your own piece of bread."


Hunger for white bread surged post-war − so much so that while Poilâne's founder, Pierre Poilâne, persisted in producing the sourdoughs he so loved, his refusal to bake more modern loaves saw him ejected from bakery syndicates, according to his granddaughter, Apollonia. These days, however, the trend has come full circle: Baguette consumption fell 25% from 2015 to 2025, but the popularity of so-called "special" breads made with whole or heirloom grains is on the rise. "It's not bad that we're getting back to breads that are a bit less white," said Pla.


For Grenard, however, the most lasting impact the war left on French food culture was a no-waste mindset. "What remains after the war is more of a state of mind than culinary practices," he said. Rambourg agreed: "You know the value of food when you don't have any."


The French were forced to get creative with what they had. In France's south-eastern Ardèche department, Clément Faugier rebranded its sweetened chestnut paste as Génovitine, a name whose medical consonance made it easier to market as a fortifier and even prescribe. In the coastal Camargue region, local samphire suddenly stood in for green beans. Morse's great-grandfather foraged for wild mushrooms in the nearby Vosges mountains, and in cities, those with balconies planted their window boxes with carrots or leeks. Paris' public Jardin des Tuileries was even transformed into collective kitchen gardens.


According to Rambourg, this subsistence mindset "would affect the entire generation that lived through the war, and our parents, because they were the children of our grandparents, who knew the war."


As the need for these subsistence methods dissipated, French cuisine underwent another period of change. In 1963, the country welcomed its first Carrefour hypermarket, and large-scale supermarkets soon supplanted small shops. According to Grenard, this was partly due to "suspicion" following corruption during the German occupation, when some grocers inflated prices far past the norm, just because they could . "At the end of the war, consumers held real rancour against small shopkeepers," said Grenard. "In a supermarket, the prices are fixed."


Fast-forward eight decades, and some locals, now motivated by climate change are turning back to small, local grocers, such as the locavore Terroir d'Avenir shops dotting Paris. Others are reaching into the nation's past to resuscitate techniques like canning, preserving and foraging that saved many French residents during the war, according to Grenard. "The people that got by the best were the ones who had reserves."


Today, filling the larder with foraged food has become popular once again. In Kaysersberg, Alsace, chef Jérôme Jaegle of Alchémille puts this ancestral knowledge centre-stage by offering wild harvesting workshops culminating in a multi-course meal. And in Milly-la-Forêt, just outside Paris, François Thévenon highlights the foraging techniques he learned from his grandmother with classes teaching others how to seek out these edible plants themselves.


"After the war", he explained, "people wanted to reassure themselves that they wouldn't lack anything anymore." They turned, he said, to overconsumption, specifically of meat, which even his foraging grandmother ate every day, at every meal.


"You often hear when you ask older folk why they no longer eat wild plants, that it's because they don't have to," Thévenon said, who forages for wild plants because he believes it's good for his health and that of the planet.


According to Apollonia, the war didn't only change how France eats. "It probably changed the way the world eats," she asserted. Today, the techniques and philosophies that helped the French survive are slowly coming back to life.



https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20250605-how-world-war-two-chang ed-the-french-diet  

 


Read the excerpt:

"According to Grenard, this was partly due to 'suspicion' following corruption during the German occupation, when some grocers inflated prices far past the norm."

What reading strategy allows the reader to understand that this behavior influenced post-war shopping habits?
Alternativas
Q3494284 Inglês

O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


How World War Two changed how France eats


By June 1940, German forces had blitzed through France in just six weeks, leading more than half of the country to be occupied. As a result, French staples like cheese, bread and meat were soon rationed, and by 1942 some citizens were living on as few as 1,110 calories per day. Even after World War Two ended in 1945, access to food in France would continue to be regulated by the government until 1949.


Such austerity certainly had an impact on how the French ate during and just after the war. Yet, more than 80 years after Allied forces landed in Normandy to begin liberating the nation on D-Day (6 June 1944), few visitors realise that France's wartime occupation still echoes across the nation's culinary landscape.


In the decades following WW2, the French abandoned the staples that had got them through the tough times of occupation; familiar ingredients like root vegetables and even hearty pain de campagne (country bread) were so eschewed they were nearly forgotten. But as wartime associations have slowly faded from memory, a bevy of younger chefs and tastemakers are reviving the foods that once kept the French alive.


There aren't many French residents old enough to vividly recall life in wartime France today, and fewer still would deign to discuss it. Author Kitty Morse only discovered her great-grandparents' "Occupation diary and recipe book" after her own mother's death. Morse released them in 2022 in her book Bitter Sweet: A Wartime Journal and Heirloom Recipes from Occupied France.


"My mother never said any of this to me," she said.


Aline Pla was just nine years old in 1945 but, raised by small-town grocers in the south of France, she remembers more than others might. "You were only allowed a few grams of bread a day," she recalled. "Some [people] stopped smoking − especially those with kids. They preferred trading for food."


Such widespread lack gave rise to ersatz replacements: saccharine stood in for sugar; butter was supplanted by lard or margarine; and instead of coffee, people brewed roots or grains, like acorns, chickpeas or the barley Pla recalls villagers roasting at home. While many of these wartime brews faded from fashion, chicory coffee remained a staple, at least in northern France. Ricoré − a blend of chicory and instant coffee − has been on supermarket shelves since the 1950s. More recently, brands like Cherico are reimagining it for a new generation, marketing it as a climate-conscious, healthful alternative traditional coffee.


According to Patrick Rambourg, French culinary historian and author of Histoire de la Cuisine et de la Gastronomie Françaises, if chicory never wholly disappeared in France, it's in large part thanks to its flavour. "Chicory tastes good," he explained. "It doesn't necessarily make you think of periods of austerity."


Other products did, however, such as swedes and Jerusalem artichokes, which WW2 historian Fabrice Grenard asserted "were more reserved for animals before the war." The French were nevertheless forced to rely heavily on them once potato rationing began in November 1940, and after the war, these vegetables became almost "taboo", according to Rambourg. "My mother never cooked a swede in her life," added Morse.


Two generations later, however, Jerusalem artichokes, in particular, have surged to near-omnipresence in Paris, from the trendy small plates at Belleville wine bar Paloma to the classic chalkboard menu at bistro Le Bon Georges. Alongside parsnips, turnips and swedes, they're often self-awarely called "les legumes oubliés"("the forgotten vegetables") and, according to Léo Giorgis, chef-owner of L'Almanach Montmartre, French chefs have been remembering them for about 15 years.


"Now you see Jerusalem artichokes everywhere, [as well as] swedes [and] golden turnips," he said. As a chef dedicated to seasonal produce, Giorgis finds their return inspiring, especially in winter. "Without them, we're kind of stuck with cabbages and butternut squah."


According to Apollonia Poilâne, the third generation of her family to run the eponymous bakery Poilâne, founded in 1932, a similar shift took place with French bread. Before the war, she explained, white baguettes, which weren't subject to the same imposed prices as sourdough, surged to popularity on a marketplace rife with competition. But in August 1940, bread was one of the first products to be rationed, and soon, white bread was supplanted by darker-crumbed iterations bulked out with bran, chestnut, potato or buckwheat. The sale of fresh bread was forbidden by law, which some say was implemented specifically to reduce bread's palatability.


"I never knew white bread!" said Pla. When one went to eat at a friend's home during wartime, she recalled, "You brought your bread − your bread ration. Your own piece of bread."


Hunger for white bread surged post-war − so much so that while Poilâne's founder, Pierre Poilâne, persisted in producing the sourdoughs he so loved, his refusal to bake more modern loaves saw him ejected from bakery syndicates, according to his granddaughter, Apollonia. These days, however, the trend has come full circle: Baguette consumption fell 25% from 2015 to 2025, but the popularity of so-called "special" breads made with whole or heirloom grains is on the rise. "It's not bad that we're getting back to breads that are a bit less white," said Pla.


For Grenard, however, the most lasting impact the war left on French food culture was a no-waste mindset. "What remains after the war is more of a state of mind than culinary practices," he said. Rambourg agreed: "You know the value of food when you don't have any."


The French were forced to get creative with what they had. In France's south-eastern Ardèche department, Clément Faugier rebranded its sweetened chestnut paste as Génovitine, a name whose medical consonance made it easier to market as a fortifier and even prescribe. In the coastal Camargue region, local samphire suddenly stood in for green beans. Morse's great-grandfather foraged for wild mushrooms in the nearby Vosges mountains, and in cities, those with balconies planted their window boxes with carrots or leeks. Paris' public Jardin des Tuileries was even transformed into collective kitchen gardens.


According to Rambourg, this subsistence mindset "would affect the entire generation that lived through the war, and our parents, because they were the children of our grandparents, who knew the war."


As the need for these subsistence methods dissipated, French cuisine underwent another period of change. In 1963, the country welcomed its first Carrefour hypermarket, and large-scale supermarkets soon supplanted small shops. According to Grenard, this was partly due to "suspicion" following corruption during the German occupation, when some grocers inflated prices far past the norm, just because they could . "At the end of the war, consumers held real rancour against small shopkeepers," said Grenard. "In a supermarket, the prices are fixed."


Fast-forward eight decades, and some locals, now motivated by climate change are turning back to small, local grocers, such as the locavore Terroir d'Avenir shops dotting Paris. Others are reaching into the nation's past to resuscitate techniques like canning, preserving and foraging that saved many French residents during the war, according to Grenard. "The people that got by the best were the ones who had reserves."


Today, filling the larder with foraged food has become popular once again. In Kaysersberg, Alsace, chef Jérôme Jaegle of Alchémille puts this ancestral knowledge centre-stage by offering wild harvesting workshops culminating in a multi-course meal. And in Milly-la-Forêt, just outside Paris, François Thévenon highlights the foraging techniques he learned from his grandmother with classes teaching others how to seek out these edible plants themselves.


"After the war", he explained, "people wanted to reassure themselves that they wouldn't lack anything anymore." They turned, he said, to overconsumption, specifically of meat, which even his foraging grandmother ate every day, at every meal.


"You often hear when you ask older folk why they no longer eat wild plants, that it's because they don't have to," Thévenon said, who forages for wild plants because he believes it's good for his health and that of the planet.


According to Apollonia, the war didn't only change how France eats. "It probably changed the way the world eats," she asserted. Today, the techniques and philosophies that helped the French survive are slowly coming back to life.



https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20250605-how-world-war-two-chang ed-the-french-diet  

 


Read the excerpt:

"Some [people] stopped smoking − especially those with kids. They preferred trading for food."

From the context, what can be inferred about the relationship between smoking and food during the war?
Alternativas
Q3494283 Inglês

O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


How World War Two changed how France eats


By June 1940, German forces had blitzed through France in just six weeks, leading more than half of the country to be occupied. As a result, French staples like cheese, bread and meat were soon rationed, and by 1942 some citizens were living on as few as 1,110 calories per day. Even after World War Two ended in 1945, access to food in France would continue to be regulated by the government until 1949.


Such austerity certainly had an impact on how the French ate during and just after the war. Yet, more than 80 years after Allied forces landed in Normandy to begin liberating the nation on D-Day (6 June 1944), few visitors realise that France's wartime occupation still echoes across the nation's culinary landscape.


In the decades following WW2, the French abandoned the staples that had got them through the tough times of occupation; familiar ingredients like root vegetables and even hearty pain de campagne (country bread) were so eschewed they were nearly forgotten. But as wartime associations have slowly faded from memory, a bevy of younger chefs and tastemakers are reviving the foods that once kept the French alive.


There aren't many French residents old enough to vividly recall life in wartime France today, and fewer still would deign to discuss it. Author Kitty Morse only discovered her great-grandparents' "Occupation diary and recipe book" after her own mother's death. Morse released them in 2022 in her book Bitter Sweet: A Wartime Journal and Heirloom Recipes from Occupied France.


"My mother never said any of this to me," she said.


Aline Pla was just nine years old in 1945 but, raised by small-town grocers in the south of France, she remembers more than others might. "You were only allowed a few grams of bread a day," she recalled. "Some [people] stopped smoking − especially those with kids. They preferred trading for food."


Such widespread lack gave rise to ersatz replacements: saccharine stood in for sugar; butter was supplanted by lard or margarine; and instead of coffee, people brewed roots or grains, like acorns, chickpeas or the barley Pla recalls villagers roasting at home. While many of these wartime brews faded from fashion, chicory coffee remained a staple, at least in northern France. Ricoré − a blend of chicory and instant coffee − has been on supermarket shelves since the 1950s. More recently, brands like Cherico are reimagining it for a new generation, marketing it as a climate-conscious, healthful alternative traditional coffee.


According to Patrick Rambourg, French culinary historian and author of Histoire de la Cuisine et de la Gastronomie Françaises, if chicory never wholly disappeared in France, it's in large part thanks to its flavour. "Chicory tastes good," he explained. "It doesn't necessarily make you think of periods of austerity."


Other products did, however, such as swedes and Jerusalem artichokes, which WW2 historian Fabrice Grenard asserted "were more reserved for animals before the war." The French were nevertheless forced to rely heavily on them once potato rationing began in November 1940, and after the war, these vegetables became almost "taboo", according to Rambourg. "My mother never cooked a swede in her life," added Morse.


Two generations later, however, Jerusalem artichokes, in particular, have surged to near-omnipresence in Paris, from the trendy small plates at Belleville wine bar Paloma to the classic chalkboard menu at bistro Le Bon Georges. Alongside parsnips, turnips and swedes, they're often self-awarely called "les legumes oubliés"("the forgotten vegetables") and, according to Léo Giorgis, chef-owner of L'Almanach Montmartre, French chefs have been remembering them for about 15 years.


"Now you see Jerusalem artichokes everywhere, [as well as] swedes [and] golden turnips," he said. As a chef dedicated to seasonal produce, Giorgis finds their return inspiring, especially in winter. "Without them, we're kind of stuck with cabbages and butternut squah."


According to Apollonia Poilâne, the third generation of her family to run the eponymous bakery Poilâne, founded in 1932, a similar shift took place with French bread. Before the war, she explained, white baguettes, which weren't subject to the same imposed prices as sourdough, surged to popularity on a marketplace rife with competition. But in August 1940, bread was one of the first products to be rationed, and soon, white bread was supplanted by darker-crumbed iterations bulked out with bran, chestnut, potato or buckwheat. The sale of fresh bread was forbidden by law, which some say was implemented specifically to reduce bread's palatability.


"I never knew white bread!" said Pla. When one went to eat at a friend's home during wartime, she recalled, "You brought your bread − your bread ration. Your own piece of bread."


Hunger for white bread surged post-war − so much so that while Poilâne's founder, Pierre Poilâne, persisted in producing the sourdoughs he so loved, his refusal to bake more modern loaves saw him ejected from bakery syndicates, according to his granddaughter, Apollonia. These days, however, the trend has come full circle: Baguette consumption fell 25% from 2015 to 2025, but the popularity of so-called "special" breads made with whole or heirloom grains is on the rise. "It's not bad that we're getting back to breads that are a bit less white," said Pla.


For Grenard, however, the most lasting impact the war left on French food culture was a no-waste mindset. "What remains after the war is more of a state of mind than culinary practices," he said. Rambourg agreed: "You know the value of food when you don't have any."


The French were forced to get creative with what they had. In France's south-eastern Ardèche department, Clément Faugier rebranded its sweetened chestnut paste as Génovitine, a name whose medical consonance made it easier to market as a fortifier and even prescribe. In the coastal Camargue region, local samphire suddenly stood in for green beans. Morse's great-grandfather foraged for wild mushrooms in the nearby Vosges mountains, and in cities, those with balconies planted their window boxes with carrots or leeks. Paris' public Jardin des Tuileries was even transformed into collective kitchen gardens.


According to Rambourg, this subsistence mindset "would affect the entire generation that lived through the war, and our parents, because they were the children of our grandparents, who knew the war."


As the need for these subsistence methods dissipated, French cuisine underwent another period of change. In 1963, the country welcomed its first Carrefour hypermarket, and large-scale supermarkets soon supplanted small shops. According to Grenard, this was partly due to "suspicion" following corruption during the German occupation, when some grocers inflated prices far past the norm, just because they could . "At the end of the war, consumers held real rancour against small shopkeepers," said Grenard. "In a supermarket, the prices are fixed."


Fast-forward eight decades, and some locals, now motivated by climate change are turning back to small, local grocers, such as the locavore Terroir d'Avenir shops dotting Paris. Others are reaching into the nation's past to resuscitate techniques like canning, preserving and foraging that saved many French residents during the war, according to Grenard. "The people that got by the best were the ones who had reserves."


Today, filling the larder with foraged food has become popular once again. In Kaysersberg, Alsace, chef Jérôme Jaegle of Alchémille puts this ancestral knowledge centre-stage by offering wild harvesting workshops culminating in a multi-course meal. And in Milly-la-Forêt, just outside Paris, François Thévenon highlights the foraging techniques he learned from his grandmother with classes teaching others how to seek out these edible plants themselves.


"After the war", he explained, "people wanted to reassure themselves that they wouldn't lack anything anymore." They turned, he said, to overconsumption, specifically of meat, which even his foraging grandmother ate every day, at every meal.


"You often hear when you ask older folk why they no longer eat wild plants, that it's because they don't have to," Thévenon said, who forages for wild plants because he believes it's good for his health and that of the planet.


According to Apollonia, the war didn't only change how France eats. "It probably changed the way the world eats," she asserted. Today, the techniques and philosophies that helped the French survive are slowly coming back to life.



https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20250605-how-world-war-two-chang ed-the-french-diet  

 


What is the main idea conveyed by the article as a whole?
Alternativas
Q3494281 Inglês

O texto seguinte servirá de base para responder à questão.


How World War Two changed how France eats


By June 1940, German forces had blitzed through France in just six weeks, leading more than half of the country to be occupied. As a result, French staples like cheese, bread and meat were soon rationed, and by 1942 some citizens were living on as few as 1,110 calories per day. Even after World War Two ended in 1945, access to food in France would continue to be regulated by the government until 1949.


Such austerity certainly had an impact on how the French ate during and just after the war. Yet, more than 80 years after Allied forces landed in Normandy to begin liberating the nation on D-Day (6 June 1944), few visitors realise that France's wartime occupation still echoes across the nation's culinary landscape.


In the decades following WW2, the French abandoned the staples that had got them through the tough times of occupation; familiar ingredients like root vegetables and even hearty pain de campagne (country bread) were so eschewed they were nearly forgotten. But as wartime associations have slowly faded from memory, a bevy of younger chefs and tastemakers are reviving the foods that once kept the French alive.


There aren't many French residents old enough to vividly recall life in wartime France today, and fewer still would deign to discuss it. Author Kitty Morse only discovered her great-grandparents' "Occupation diary and recipe book" after her own mother's death. Morse released them in 2022 in her book Bitter Sweet: A Wartime Journal and Heirloom Recipes from Occupied France.


"My mother never said any of this to me," she said.


Aline Pla was just nine years old in 1945 but, raised by small-town grocers in the south of France, she remembers more than others might. "You were only allowed a few grams of bread a day," she recalled. "Some [people] stopped smoking − especially those with kids. They preferred trading for food."


Such widespread lack gave rise to ersatz replacements: saccharine stood in for sugar; butter was supplanted by lard or margarine; and instead of coffee, people brewed roots or grains, like acorns, chickpeas or the barley Pla recalls villagers roasting at home. While many of these wartime brews faded from fashion, chicory coffee remained a staple, at least in northern France. Ricoré − a blend of chicory and instant coffee − has been on supermarket shelves since the 1950s. More recently, brands like Cherico are reimagining it for a new generation, marketing it as a climate-conscious, healthful alternative traditional coffee.


According to Patrick Rambourg, French culinary historian and author of Histoire de la Cuisine et de la Gastronomie Françaises, if chicory never wholly disappeared in France, it's in large part thanks to its flavour. "Chicory tastes good," he explained. "It doesn't necessarily make you think of periods of austerity."


Other products did, however, such as swedes and Jerusalem artichokes, which WW2 historian Fabrice Grenard asserted "were more reserved for animals before the war." The French were nevertheless forced to rely heavily on them once potato rationing began in November 1940, and after the war, these vegetables became almost "taboo", according to Rambourg. "My mother never cooked a swede in her life," added Morse.


Two generations later, however, Jerusalem artichokes, in particular, have surged to near-omnipresence in Paris, from the trendy small plates at Belleville wine bar Paloma to the classic chalkboard menu at bistro Le Bon Georges. Alongside parsnips, turnips and swedes, they're often self-awarely called "les legumes oubliés"("the forgotten vegetables") and, according to Léo Giorgis, chef-owner of L'Almanach Montmartre, French chefs have been remembering them for about 15 years.


"Now you see Jerusalem artichokes everywhere, [as well as] swedes [and] golden turnips," he said. As a chef dedicated to seasonal produce, Giorgis finds their return inspiring, especially in winter. "Without them, we're kind of stuck with cabbages and butternut squah."


According to Apollonia Poilâne, the third generation of her family to run the eponymous bakery Poilâne, founded in 1932, a similar shift took place with French bread. Before the war, she explained, white baguettes, which weren't subject to the same imposed prices as sourdough, surged to popularity on a marketplace rife with competition. But in August 1940, bread was one of the first products to be rationed, and soon, white bread was supplanted by darker-crumbed iterations bulked out with bran, chestnut, potato or buckwheat. The sale of fresh bread was forbidden by law, which some say was implemented specifically to reduce bread's palatability.


"I never knew white bread!" said Pla. When one went to eat at a friend's home during wartime, she recalled, "You brought your bread − your bread ration. Your own piece of bread."


Hunger for white bread surged post-war − so much so that while Poilâne's founder, Pierre Poilâne, persisted in producing the sourdoughs he so loved, his refusal to bake more modern loaves saw him ejected from bakery syndicates, according to his granddaughter, Apollonia. These days, however, the trend has come full circle: Baguette consumption fell 25% from 2015 to 2025, but the popularity of so-called "special" breads made with whole or heirloom grains is on the rise. "It's not bad that we're getting back to breads that are a bit less white," said Pla.


For Grenard, however, the most lasting impact the war left on French food culture was a no-waste mindset. "What remains after the war is more of a state of mind than culinary practices," he said. Rambourg agreed: "You know the value of food when you don't have any."


The French were forced to get creative with what they had. In France's south-eastern Ardèche department, Clément Faugier rebranded its sweetened chestnut paste as Génovitine, a name whose medical consonance made it easier to market as a fortifier and even prescribe. In the coastal Camargue region, local samphire suddenly stood in for green beans. Morse's great-grandfather foraged for wild mushrooms in the nearby Vosges mountains, and in cities, those with balconies planted their window boxes with carrots or leeks. Paris' public Jardin des Tuileries was even transformed into collective kitchen gardens.


According to Rambourg, this subsistence mindset "would affect the entire generation that lived through the war, and our parents, because they were the children of our grandparents, who knew the war."


As the need for these subsistence methods dissipated, French cuisine underwent another period of change. In 1963, the country welcomed its first Carrefour hypermarket, and large-scale supermarkets soon supplanted small shops. According to Grenard, this was partly due to "suspicion" following corruption during the German occupation, when some grocers inflated prices far past the norm, just because they could . "At the end of the war, consumers held real rancour against small shopkeepers," said Grenard. "In a supermarket, the prices are fixed."


Fast-forward eight decades, and some locals, now motivated by climate change are turning back to small, local grocers, such as the locavore Terroir d'Avenir shops dotting Paris. Others are reaching into the nation's past to resuscitate techniques like canning, preserving and foraging that saved many French residents during the war, according to Grenard. "The people that got by the best were the ones who had reserves."


Today, filling the larder with foraged food has become popular once again. In Kaysersberg, Alsace, chef Jérôme Jaegle of Alchémille puts this ancestral knowledge centre-stage by offering wild harvesting workshops culminating in a multi-course meal. And in Milly-la-Forêt, just outside Paris, François Thévenon highlights the foraging techniques he learned from his grandmother with classes teaching others how to seek out these edible plants themselves.


"After the war", he explained, "people wanted to reassure themselves that they wouldn't lack anything anymore." They turned, he said, to overconsumption, specifically of meat, which even his foraging grandmother ate every day, at every meal.


"You often hear when you ask older folk why they no longer eat wild plants, that it's because they don't have to," Thévenon said, who forages for wild plants because he believes it's good for his health and that of the planet.


According to Apollonia, the war didn't only change how France eats. "It probably changed the way the world eats," she asserted. Today, the techniques and philosophies that helped the French survive are slowly coming back to life.



https://www.bbc.com/travel/article/20250605-how-world-war-two-chang ed-the-french-diet  

 


Read the excerpt:

"Others are reaching into the nation's past to resuscitate techniques like canning, preserving and foraging..."

What does the phrasal verb "reach into" mean in this sentence?
Alternativas
Q3492025 Inglês
O texto III refere-se à questão.


TEXTO III - How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught12


   After an intense two-day manhunt, Minnesota police captured Vance Boelter, 57, the suspect accused of shooting two state lawmakers and their spouses. The arrest took place on Sunday evening in a rural field near Minneapolis. Despite being armed at the time, Mr. Boelter was taken into custody without the use of force, according to official reports.

   The case began early Saturday morning when police responded to a shooting at the home of State Senator John Hoffman. Concerned that the suspect might target other political figures, officers quickly went to the residence of Representative Melissa Hortman. Upon their arrival, Mr. Boelter opened fire on them before escaping on foot through a golf course located behind the house. This incident marked the beginning of what authorities called the largest manhunt in Minnesota's history.

   Throughout the weekend, more than 100 officers and nearly 20 SWAT teams were deployed across Sibley County, a largely rural area southwest of Minneapolis. Law enforcement agencies worked together, setting up a temporary command center in a nearby parking lot to coordinate search operations.

   The breakthrough in the search came on Sunday afternoon when officers discovered Mr. Boelter’s car and hat abandoned on a remote stretch of road. This discovery significantly narrowed the search area. Later, an officer reported seeing someone, believed to be the suspect, running into a wooded area nearby.

   Further confirmation came when a local resident provided footage from a trail camera installed on private property. The image captured on the camera showed a person matching Mr. Boelter’s description. Acting on this evidence, police established a one-square-mile perimeter, deploying drones and police dogs to assist in tracking the suspect’s movements.

   Using aerial surveillance, officers spotted Mr. Boelter crawling through thick shrubs. Drones tracked him from above, allowing SWAT teams to converge on his location without engaging in a violent confrontation. Authorities emphasized that despite the suspect being armed, the arrest was made peacefully and without incident.

  Following the capture, a photo was released showing Mr. Boelter standing in the field where he was apprehended. The image was edited to obscure the faces of the arresting officers for privacy and security reasons. At the command center, law enforcement officials celebrated the successful end to the operation.

  Investigators later praised the rapid response and coordination among different police departments. Officials noted that the quick decision by Brooklyn Park officers to check Representative Hortman’s home shortly after the first shooting may have prevented further violence and shortened the duration of the manhunt.


1 Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/16/us/minnesota-shooting-suspect-caught-how.html

Acesso em: 16 de junho de 2025

2 (Adapted from: "How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught", The New York Times, June 16, 2025)
What technology did the police use to track the suspect in the woods?
Alternativas
Q3492024 Inglês
O texto III refere-se à questão.


TEXTO III - How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught12


   After an intense two-day manhunt, Minnesota police captured Vance Boelter, 57, the suspect accused of shooting two state lawmakers and their spouses. The arrest took place on Sunday evening in a rural field near Minneapolis. Despite being armed at the time, Mr. Boelter was taken into custody without the use of force, according to official reports.

   The case began early Saturday morning when police responded to a shooting at the home of State Senator John Hoffman. Concerned that the suspect might target other political figures, officers quickly went to the residence of Representative Melissa Hortman. Upon their arrival, Mr. Boelter opened fire on them before escaping on foot through a golf course located behind the house. This incident marked the beginning of what authorities called the largest manhunt in Minnesota's history.

   Throughout the weekend, more than 100 officers and nearly 20 SWAT teams were deployed across Sibley County, a largely rural area southwest of Minneapolis. Law enforcement agencies worked together, setting up a temporary command center in a nearby parking lot to coordinate search operations.

   The breakthrough in the search came on Sunday afternoon when officers discovered Mr. Boelter’s car and hat abandoned on a remote stretch of road. This discovery significantly narrowed the search area. Later, an officer reported seeing someone, believed to be the suspect, running into a wooded area nearby.

   Further confirmation came when a local resident provided footage from a trail camera installed on private property. The image captured on the camera showed a person matching Mr. Boelter’s description. Acting on this evidence, police established a one-square-mile perimeter, deploying drones and police dogs to assist in tracking the suspect’s movements.

   Using aerial surveillance, officers spotted Mr. Boelter crawling through thick shrubs. Drones tracked him from above, allowing SWAT teams to converge on his location without engaging in a violent confrontation. Authorities emphasized that despite the suspect being armed, the arrest was made peacefully and without incident.

  Following the capture, a photo was released showing Mr. Boelter standing in the field where he was apprehended. The image was edited to obscure the faces of the arresting officers for privacy and security reasons. At the command center, law enforcement officials celebrated the successful end to the operation.

  Investigators later praised the rapid response and coordination among different police departments. Officials noted that the quick decision by Brooklyn Park officers to check Representative Hortman’s home shortly after the first shooting may have prevented further violence and shortened the duration of the manhunt.


1 Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/16/us/minnesota-shooting-suspect-caught-how.html

Acesso em: 16 de junho de 2025

2 (Adapted from: "How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught", The New York Times, June 16, 2025)
How many days did the manhunt for the suspect last?
Alternativas
Q3492023 Inglês
O texto III refere-se à questão.


TEXTO III - How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught12


   After an intense two-day manhunt, Minnesota police captured Vance Boelter, 57, the suspect accused of shooting two state lawmakers and their spouses. The arrest took place on Sunday evening in a rural field near Minneapolis. Despite being armed at the time, Mr. Boelter was taken into custody without the use of force, according to official reports.

   The case began early Saturday morning when police responded to a shooting at the home of State Senator John Hoffman. Concerned that the suspect might target other political figures, officers quickly went to the residence of Representative Melissa Hortman. Upon their arrival, Mr. Boelter opened fire on them before escaping on foot through a golf course located behind the house. This incident marked the beginning of what authorities called the largest manhunt in Minnesota's history.

   Throughout the weekend, more than 100 officers and nearly 20 SWAT teams were deployed across Sibley County, a largely rural area southwest of Minneapolis. Law enforcement agencies worked together, setting up a temporary command center in a nearby parking lot to coordinate search operations.

   The breakthrough in the search came on Sunday afternoon when officers discovered Mr. Boelter’s car and hat abandoned on a remote stretch of road. This discovery significantly narrowed the search area. Later, an officer reported seeing someone, believed to be the suspect, running into a wooded area nearby.

   Further confirmation came when a local resident provided footage from a trail camera installed on private property. The image captured on the camera showed a person matching Mr. Boelter’s description. Acting on this evidence, police established a one-square-mile perimeter, deploying drones and police dogs to assist in tracking the suspect’s movements.

   Using aerial surveillance, officers spotted Mr. Boelter crawling through thick shrubs. Drones tracked him from above, allowing SWAT teams to converge on his location without engaging in a violent confrontation. Authorities emphasized that despite the suspect being armed, the arrest was made peacefully and without incident.

  Following the capture, a photo was released showing Mr. Boelter standing in the field where he was apprehended. The image was edited to obscure the faces of the arresting officers for privacy and security reasons. At the command center, law enforcement officials celebrated the successful end to the operation.

  Investigators later praised the rapid response and coordination among different police departments. Officials noted that the quick decision by Brooklyn Park officers to check Representative Hortman’s home shortly after the first shooting may have prevented further violence and shortened the duration of the manhunt.


1 Fonte: https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/16/us/minnesota-shooting-suspect-caught-how.html

Acesso em: 16 de junho de 2025

2 (Adapted from: "How the Minnesota Shootings Suspect Was Caught", The New York Times, June 16, 2025)
Where was Vance Boelter arrested?
Alternativas
Q3492022 Inglês
O texto II refere-se à questão.


TEXTO II - “Ordinary” by Alex Warren


They say, "The holy water's watered down

And this town's lost its faith

Our colors will fade eventually"

So if our time is runnin' out

Day after day

We'll make the mundane our masterpiece


Oh my, my

Oh my, my love

I take one look at you


You're takin' me out of the ordinary

I want you layin' me down 'til we're dead and buried

On the edge of your knife, stayin' drunk on your vine

The angels up in the clouds are jealous, knowin' we found


Somethin' so out of the ordinary

You got me kissin' the ground of your sanctuary

Shatter me with your touch, oh Lord, return me to dust

The angels up in the clouds are jealous, knowin' we found


Hopeless hallelujah

On this side of Heaven's gate

Oh, my life, how do ya

Breathe and take my breath away?

At your altar, I will pray

You're the sculptor, I'm the clay

(...)
Considering the poetic features of the song "Ordinary", what is the main effect of the use of metaphors such as "The angels up in the clouds are jealous" and "You're the sculptor, I'm the clay"?
Alternativas
Q3492021 Inglês
O texto II refere-se à questão.


TEXTO II - “Ordinary” by Alex Warren


They say, "The holy water's watered down

And this town's lost its faith

Our colors will fade eventually"

So if our time is runnin' out

Day after day

We'll make the mundane our masterpiece


Oh my, my

Oh my, my love

I take one look at you


You're takin' me out of the ordinary

I want you layin' me down 'til we're dead and buried

On the edge of your knife, stayin' drunk on your vine

The angels up in the clouds are jealous, knowin' we found


Somethin' so out of the ordinary

You got me kissin' the ground of your sanctuary

Shatter me with your touch, oh Lord, return me to dust

The angels up in the clouds are jealous, knowin' we found


Hopeless hallelujah

On this side of Heaven's gate

Oh, my life, how do ya

Breathe and take my breath away?

At your altar, I will pray

You're the sculptor, I'm the clay

(...)
According to the song, how does the speaker describe the impact of the loved one on his life?
Alternativas
Q3492019 Inglês
O texto I refere-se à questão.


TEXT I – The Role of Motivation in Learning English as a Second Language


     Learning English as a second language can be a long and challenging process. Students often face difficulties such as unfamiliar grammar rules, pronunciation differences, and vocabulary gaps. However, one factor that significantly affects success in learning is motivation. Motivated students tend to participate more actively in class, complete assignments, and practice the language outside the classroom.

    There are two main types of motivation: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic motivation comes from the student’s internal desire to learn, such as personal interest in English culture or the joy of learning new languages. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is related to external rewards, like passing an exam, getting a job promotion, or meeting school requirements. Both types of motivation play an important role in language learning.

   Teachers can use different strategies to increase student motivation. One effective method is to create engaging and meaningful activities. For example, using real-life situations like roleplays, interviews, or debates can make students feel that what they are learning is useful and relevant. Also, providing positive feedback and celebrating small achievements helps build student confidence and encourages continuous effort.

    Another essential factor is setting realistic goals. When students see progress over time, such as learning a certain number of new words per week or being able to hold a short conversation, they feel more motivated to continue. Clear and achievable targets make the learning process less overwhelming and more enjoyable.

     Finally, it is important for teachers to understand the individual needs and interests of their students. Adapting lessons to include topics that students enjoy, such as music, movies, or travel, can make classes more dynamic and inspiring. Motivation is not something fixed; it can grow with the right teaching approach and a supportive classroom environment.
According to the text, why is it important to set realistic goals for ESL students?
Alternativas
Q3492018 Inglês
O texto I refere-se à questão.


TEXT I – The Role of Motivation in Learning English as a Second Language


     Learning English as a second language can be a long and challenging process. Students often face difficulties such as unfamiliar grammar rules, pronunciation differences, and vocabulary gaps. However, one factor that significantly affects success in learning is motivation. Motivated students tend to participate more actively in class, complete assignments, and practice the language outside the classroom.

    There are two main types of motivation: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic motivation comes from the student’s internal desire to learn, such as personal interest in English culture or the joy of learning new languages. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is related to external rewards, like passing an exam, getting a job promotion, or meeting school requirements. Both types of motivation play an important role in language learning.

   Teachers can use different strategies to increase student motivation. One effective method is to create engaging and meaningful activities. For example, using real-life situations like roleplays, interviews, or debates can make students feel that what they are learning is useful and relevant. Also, providing positive feedback and celebrating small achievements helps build student confidence and encourages continuous effort.

    Another essential factor is setting realistic goals. When students see progress over time, such as learning a certain number of new words per week or being able to hold a short conversation, they feel more motivated to continue. Clear and achievable targets make the learning process less overwhelming and more enjoyable.

     Finally, it is important for teachers to understand the individual needs and interests of their students. Adapting lessons to include topics that students enjoy, such as music, movies, or travel, can make classes more dynamic and inspiring. Motivation is not something fixed; it can grow with the right teaching approach and a supportive classroom environment.
Which strategy is mentioned in the text as a way to increase student motivation in the ESL classroom?
Alternativas
Q3492017 Inglês
O texto I refere-se à questão.


TEXT I – The Role of Motivation in Learning English as a Second Language


     Learning English as a second language can be a long and challenging process. Students often face difficulties such as unfamiliar grammar rules, pronunciation differences, and vocabulary gaps. However, one factor that significantly affects success in learning is motivation. Motivated students tend to participate more actively in class, complete assignments, and practice the language outside the classroom.

    There are two main types of motivation: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic motivation comes from the student’s internal desire to learn, such as personal interest in English culture or the joy of learning new languages. On the other hand, extrinsic motivation is related to external rewards, like passing an exam, getting a job promotion, or meeting school requirements. Both types of motivation play an important role in language learning.

   Teachers can use different strategies to increase student motivation. One effective method is to create engaging and meaningful activities. For example, using real-life situations like roleplays, interviews, or debates can make students feel that what they are learning is useful and relevant. Also, providing positive feedback and celebrating small achievements helps build student confidence and encourages continuous effort.

    Another essential factor is setting realistic goals. When students see progress over time, such as learning a certain number of new words per week or being able to hold a short conversation, they feel more motivated to continue. Clear and achievable targets make the learning process less overwhelming and more enjoyable.

     Finally, it is important for teachers to understand the individual needs and interests of their students. Adapting lessons to include topics that students enjoy, such as music, movies, or travel, can make classes more dynamic and inspiring. Motivation is not something fixed; it can grow with the right teaching approach and a supportive classroom environment.
What is one example of intrinsic motivation for learning English, according to the text?
Alternativas
Q3482503 Inglês
TEXT 2

GRAMMAR


Most English language teachers are probably comfortable using the word ‘grammar’. There is an established grammatical tradition within ELT, and terms such as ‘tense’, ‘conditional form’, or ‘defining relative clause’ are likely to be familiar even to relatively inexperienced teachers. Grammar is often thought of as something reliable and predictable, but although the term is a keyword in the ELT profession, it is somewhat under-examined. A look at the word’s history reveals a perhaps surprising amount of variation and inconsistency.

The word ‘grammar’ comes originally from Ancient Greek grammatike (‘pertaining to letters/written language’). Grammar was one of the ‘liberal arts’ taught in Ancient Greece, and in Rome from around the fifth century BC, although at this time it was a wider area of study than today, including textual and aesthetic criticism and literary history. Its study continued in Europe in medieval times and beyond, with grammar being taught at schools alongside logic and rhetoric in what was known as the ‘trivium’.

The tradition of studying the grammar of English in British schools did not emerge until the 16th century (Howatt with Widdowson 2004: 77) — until then, studying grammar at school meant studying Latin or Ancient Greek, not vernacular languages. Indeed, the first grammar of English, Bullokar’s Pamphlet for Grammar (1586), is said to have been written to demonstrate that the English language was in fact rule-based and could be analysed in the same way as Latin (Linn 2006: 74).

Grammar has lost its status as a distinct subject in the school curriculum but the word has continued (since 1530 according to the Oxford English Dictionary) to be used as a countable noun meaning ‘a book describing the grammar of a language’.


Content extracted and adapted from: https://academic.oup.com/eltj/articleabstract/74/2/198/5805512?redirectedFrom=fulltext
According to Text 2, what does the Oxford English Dictionary say about the term "grammar”?
Alternativas
Q3482502 Inglês
TEXT 2

GRAMMAR


Most English language teachers are probably comfortable using the word ‘grammar’. There is an established grammatical tradition within ELT, and terms such as ‘tense’, ‘conditional form’, or ‘defining relative clause’ are likely to be familiar even to relatively inexperienced teachers. Grammar is often thought of as something reliable and predictable, but although the term is a keyword in the ELT profession, it is somewhat under-examined. A look at the word’s history reveals a perhaps surprising amount of variation and inconsistency.

The word ‘grammar’ comes originally from Ancient Greek grammatike (‘pertaining to letters/written language’). Grammar was one of the ‘liberal arts’ taught in Ancient Greece, and in Rome from around the fifth century BC, although at this time it was a wider area of study than today, including textual and aesthetic criticism and literary history. Its study continued in Europe in medieval times and beyond, with grammar being taught at schools alongside logic and rhetoric in what was known as the ‘trivium’.

The tradition of studying the grammar of English in British schools did not emerge until the 16th century (Howatt with Widdowson 2004: 77) — until then, studying grammar at school meant studying Latin or Ancient Greek, not vernacular languages. Indeed, the first grammar of English, Bullokar’s Pamphlet for Grammar (1586), is said to have been written to demonstrate that the English language was in fact rule-based and could be analysed in the same way as Latin (Linn 2006: 74).

Grammar has lost its status as a distinct subject in the school curriculum but the word has continued (since 1530 according to the Oxford English Dictionary) to be used as a countable noun meaning ‘a book describing the grammar of a language’.


Content extracted and adapted from: https://academic.oup.com/eltj/articleabstract/74/2/198/5805512?redirectedFrom=fulltext
According to Text 2, what was the first grammar book of the English language?
Alternativas
Q3482501 Inglês
TEXT 2

GRAMMAR


Most English language teachers are probably comfortable using the word ‘grammar’. There is an established grammatical tradition within ELT, and terms such as ‘tense’, ‘conditional form’, or ‘defining relative clause’ are likely to be familiar even to relatively inexperienced teachers. Grammar is often thought of as something reliable and predictable, but although the term is a keyword in the ELT profession, it is somewhat under-examined. A look at the word’s history reveals a perhaps surprising amount of variation and inconsistency.

The word ‘grammar’ comes originally from Ancient Greek grammatike (‘pertaining to letters/written language’). Grammar was one of the ‘liberal arts’ taught in Ancient Greece, and in Rome from around the fifth century BC, although at this time it was a wider area of study than today, including textual and aesthetic criticism and literary history. Its study continued in Europe in medieval times and beyond, with grammar being taught at schools alongside logic and rhetoric in what was known as the ‘trivium’.

The tradition of studying the grammar of English in British schools did not emerge until the 16th century (Howatt with Widdowson 2004: 77) — until then, studying grammar at school meant studying Latin or Ancient Greek, not vernacular languages. Indeed, the first grammar of English, Bullokar’s Pamphlet for Grammar (1586), is said to have been written to demonstrate that the English language was in fact rule-based and could be analysed in the same way as Latin (Linn 2006: 74).

Grammar has lost its status as a distinct subject in the school curriculum but the word has continued (since 1530 according to the Oxford English Dictionary) to be used as a countable noun meaning ‘a book describing the grammar of a language’.


Content extracted and adapted from: https://academic.oup.com/eltj/articleabstract/74/2/198/5805512?redirectedFrom=fulltext
What does Text 2 suggest about the status of grammar in today’s school curriculum?
Alternativas
Q3482498 Inglês
TEXT 1


NATIVE-SPEAKERISM

Framing the Issue


Native-speakerism is an ideology that upholdsthe idea that so-called “native speakers” are the best models and teachers of English because they represent a “Western culture” from which spring the ideals both of English and of the methodology for teaching it (Holliday, 2005, p. 6). As an ideology, it is a system of ideas that represents a distorted worldview that supports a particular vested interest. The vested interest in the case of nativespeakerism is the promotion by the ELT industry of the so-called “native speaker” brand. The realization that this is an ideologically constructed brand derives from Phillipson’s (1992) linguistic imperialism thesis that the concept of the “native speaker” as a superior model and teacher was explicitly constructed by American and British aid agencies in the 1960s to support their agenda of spreading English as a global product.

Further indication that the “native speaker” brand is an ideological construction is that the native-non-native speaker distinction is not self-evident on technical linguistic or even nationality grounds. It is instead a professionally popularized distinction that has been falsely associated with cultural orientation (Kubota & Lin, 2006). Teachers who are labeled “native speakers” have been falsely idealized as organized and autonomous in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “individualist cultures” of the West; while teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” are demonized as deficient in these attributes in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “collectivist cultures” of the non-West (Holliday, 2005, p. 19, citing Kubota, Kumaravadivelu, Nayar, and Pennycook). The collectivist stereotype is itself considered to be a Western construction of non-Western cultural deficiency. An example of this is a British teacher’s reference to a superior “native speaker” “birthright” at the same time as criticizing, albeit without foundation, not only the linguistic and pedagogic performance, but also the cultural background and proficiency of his “non-native speaker” colleagues (Holliday & Aboshiha, 2009, p. 667). 

The Othering of teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” therefore results in a cultural disbelief—not believing in their ability to teach English within a Western, and indeed superficially constructed “learning group ideal” that is characterized by “active” oral expression, initiation, self-direction, and students working in groups and pairs (Holliday, 2005, p. 44). The association of the “non-native speaker” label with deficiency is also deeply rooted within a wider and equally mistaken Western perception that people from non-Western cultural backgrounds are unable to be critical and self-determined.


Excerpt extracted and adapted from: https://adrianholliday.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/nativespeakerism-proofs.pdf
Based on Text 1, which institutions contributed to the creation of the native-speaker model, according to Phillipson?
Alternativas
Q3482497 Inglês
TEXT 1


NATIVE-SPEAKERISM

Framing the Issue


Native-speakerism is an ideology that upholdsthe idea that so-called “native speakers” are the best models and teachers of English because they represent a “Western culture” from which spring the ideals both of English and of the methodology for teaching it (Holliday, 2005, p. 6). As an ideology, it is a system of ideas that represents a distorted worldview that supports a particular vested interest. The vested interest in the case of nativespeakerism is the promotion by the ELT industry of the so-called “native speaker” brand. The realization that this is an ideologically constructed brand derives from Phillipson’s (1992) linguistic imperialism thesis that the concept of the “native speaker” as a superior model and teacher was explicitly constructed by American and British aid agencies in the 1960s to support their agenda of spreading English as a global product.

Further indication that the “native speaker” brand is an ideological construction is that the native-non-native speaker distinction is not self-evident on technical linguistic or even nationality grounds. It is instead a professionally popularized distinction that has been falsely associated with cultural orientation (Kubota & Lin, 2006). Teachers who are labeled “native speakers” have been falsely idealized as organized and autonomous in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “individualist cultures” of the West; while teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” are demonized as deficient in these attributes in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “collectivist cultures” of the non-West (Holliday, 2005, p. 19, citing Kubota, Kumaravadivelu, Nayar, and Pennycook). The collectivist stereotype is itself considered to be a Western construction of non-Western cultural deficiency. An example of this is a British teacher’s reference to a superior “native speaker” “birthright” at the same time as criticizing, albeit without foundation, not only the linguistic and pedagogic performance, but also the cultural background and proficiency of his “non-native speaker” colleagues (Holliday & Aboshiha, 2009, p. 667). 

The Othering of teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” therefore results in a cultural disbelief—not believing in their ability to teach English within a Western, and indeed superficially constructed “learning group ideal” that is characterized by “active” oral expression, initiation, self-direction, and students working in groups and pairs (Holliday, 2005, p. 44). The association of the “non-native speaker” label with deficiency is also deeply rooted within a wider and equally mistaken Western perception that people from non-Western cultural backgrounds are unable to be critical and self-determined.


Excerpt extracted and adapted from: https://adrianholliday.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/nativespeakerism-proofs.pdf
According to text 1, what is native-speakerism mainly based on?
Alternativas
Q3482496 Inglês
TEXT 1


NATIVE-SPEAKERISM

Framing the Issue


Native-speakerism is an ideology that upholdsthe idea that so-called “native speakers” are the best models and teachers of English because they represent a “Western culture” from which spring the ideals both of English and of the methodology for teaching it (Holliday, 2005, p. 6). As an ideology, it is a system of ideas that represents a distorted worldview that supports a particular vested interest. The vested interest in the case of nativespeakerism is the promotion by the ELT industry of the so-called “native speaker” brand. The realization that this is an ideologically constructed brand derives from Phillipson’s (1992) linguistic imperialism thesis that the concept of the “native speaker” as a superior model and teacher was explicitly constructed by American and British aid agencies in the 1960s to support their agenda of spreading English as a global product.

Further indication that the “native speaker” brand is an ideological construction is that the native-non-native speaker distinction is not self-evident on technical linguistic or even nationality grounds. It is instead a professionally popularized distinction that has been falsely associated with cultural orientation (Kubota & Lin, 2006). Teachers who are labeled “native speakers” have been falsely idealized as organized and autonomous in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “individualist cultures” of the West; while teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” are demonized as deficient in these attributes in fitting with the common yet mistaken description of so-called “collectivist cultures” of the non-West (Holliday, 2005, p. 19, citing Kubota, Kumaravadivelu, Nayar, and Pennycook). The collectivist stereotype is itself considered to be a Western construction of non-Western cultural deficiency. An example of this is a British teacher’s reference to a superior “native speaker” “birthright” at the same time as criticizing, albeit without foundation, not only the linguistic and pedagogic performance, but also the cultural background and proficiency of his “non-native speaker” colleagues (Holliday & Aboshiha, 2009, p. 667). 

The Othering of teachers who are labeled “non-native speakers” therefore results in a cultural disbelief—not believing in their ability to teach English within a Western, and indeed superficially constructed “learning group ideal” that is characterized by “active” oral expression, initiation, self-direction, and students working in groups and pairs (Holliday, 2005, p. 44). The association of the “non-native speaker” label with deficiency is also deeply rooted within a wider and equally mistaken Western perception that people from non-Western cultural backgrounds are unable to be critical and self-determined.


Excerpt extracted and adapted from: https://adrianholliday.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/nativespeakerism-proofs.pdf
According to Text 1, choose the alternative that CORRECTLY summarizes its general idea:
Alternativas
Q3464014 Inglês
Leia o texto para responder à questão.


    In the literature on language learning, one particular process has commonly been singled out for explication: transfer. The term describes the carryover of previous performance or knowledge to subsequent learning. Positive transfer occurs when the prior knowledge benefits the learning task; negative transfer, or interference, occurs when previous performance disrupts the performance of a second task.

    It has been common in second language teaching to stress the role of interference. This is of course not surprising, as native language interference is surely the most immediately noticeable source of error among second language learners. The saliency of interference is strong. For example, a French native speaker might say in English, “I am in New York since January,” a perfectly logical transfer of the French sentence “Je suis a New York depuis Janvier.” Because of the negative transfer of the French verb form to English, the French system has, in this case, interfered with the person’s production of a correct English form.

    It is exceedingly important to remember, however, that the native language of a second language learner is often positively transferred, in which case the learner benefits from the facilitating effects of the first language. In the above sentence, for example, the correct one-to-one word order correspondence, the personal pronoun, and the preposition have been positively transferred from French to English. We often mistakenly overlook the facilitating effects of the native language in our appetite for analyzing errors in the second language and for overstressing the interfering effects of the first language.


(Douglas Brown. Principles of language learning and teaching, 2000. Adaptado)
Vistas em seu conjunto, as duas frases do segundo parágrafo “This is of course not surprising, as native language interference is surely the most immediately noticeable source of error among second language learners. The saliency of interference is strong.” exemplificam
Alternativas
Q3464011 Inglês
Leia o texto para responder à questão.


    In the literature on language learning, one particular process has commonly been singled out for explication: transfer. The term describes the carryover of previous performance or knowledge to subsequent learning. Positive transfer occurs when the prior knowledge benefits the learning task; negative transfer, or interference, occurs when previous performance disrupts the performance of a second task.

    It has been common in second language teaching to stress the role of interference. This is of course not surprising, as native language interference is surely the most immediately noticeable source of error among second language learners. The saliency of interference is strong. For example, a French native speaker might say in English, “I am in New York since January,” a perfectly logical transfer of the French sentence “Je suis a New York depuis Janvier.” Because of the negative transfer of the French verb form to English, the French system has, in this case, interfered with the person’s production of a correct English form.

    It is exceedingly important to remember, however, that the native language of a second language learner is often positively transferred, in which case the learner benefits from the facilitating effects of the first language. In the above sentence, for example, the correct one-to-one word order correspondence, the personal pronoun, and the preposition have been positively transferred from French to English. We often mistakenly overlook the facilitating effects of the native language in our appetite for analyzing errors in the second language and for overstressing the interfering effects of the first language.


(Douglas Brown. Principles of language learning and teaching, 2000. Adaptado)
Elementary English teachers in Brazil who adequately understand the author’s claim in the text will
Alternativas
Respostas
981: C
982: B
983: A
984: D
985: C
986: B
987: B
988: E
989: B
990: C
991: B
992: C
993: D
994: C
995: D
996: B
997: E
998: D
999: B
1000: D